Editor's Note: Periodically, throughout the next few months, DI News will be re-publishing some of the best photo essays from issues that have not previously appeared on our new website.

This week: 

Dispatches International photographer Jan Grabek spent one month in Kirkuk, Iraq during the summer of 2010. Arriving immediately after American troops had left most of the country. He captured photographs of the mundane in a city on edge.

See the full gallery on Posterous

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Shantal Otchere

In February of 2006, the Toronto Star newspaper published a report on racial profiling, which was part of an ongoing series called “Race Matters.” This report confirmed that males of African descent were three times more likely than any other group to be stopped, questioned and have their information recorded by police.

Many people who have been unreasonably stopped by police report that they had to surrender personal details, including their physical description, address, age, and name, in addition to their friend’s names and physical descriptions, to be kept for police records. According to the Toronto Star’s report, “Race, age and gender are big factors in who gets stopped.”

For 22-year-old Jordan Thoms and those who live in his neighborhood, being unreasonably stopped and questioned by police is a regular occurrence. Thoms recalls feeling uneasy about leaving his home sometimes for fear of being 'harassed' by a police officer.

“When I went outside I was like, 'When am I going to get stopped?' because I was being stopped every day.” Thoms says. “Some days it was even more than once. You [have] to keep your ID on you.”

Thoms lives in an area where the population is made up largely of people of African descent. Here, the increased police presence is hard to ignore. Walking among the cluster of apartment complexes, one will see police cruisers making their rounds at several intervals throughout the day and night.

Charles Smith, Research Associate with the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, and University of Toronto lecturer, says that this concentrated police presence results from the persisting prejudice surrounding groups of African descent.

“This fits in with the historical construction of persons of African descent in Canada which are really false constructions of [these individuals] being dangerous, prone to crime, and as a result they must be under surveillance,” Smith explains.

Through his extensive research in the area of policing and racial profiling, Smith has found that appearance alone is enough of a cause for someone to be detained by police and possibly charged for an offence.

“I was involved as an expert witness in a case about a year ago of an aboriginal man who was racially profiled. He was in an Italian community at three o’clock in the morning and so the police stopped him when they recognized his facial features as being aboriginal,” Smith says.

“They assumed he was out of place and that he doesn’t belong in the community, and the only reason why he was in that community is he’s up to no good.”

Thoms says that he has experienced racial profiling first-hand. In December of 2007, police officials approached his door, armed with eye-witness testimony and a picture of him that they obtained through their database. Thoms was arrested by plainclothes officers for a serious drug crime in which he had no involvement.

“Police came and knocked on my door around four o'clock [in the afternoon].They told me I’m being arrested for possession and trafficking of crack cocaine and cocaine,” Thoms remembers. “I told them I didn’t do it. They arrested me and brought me back to 41 Division [police station].”

At the station Thoms says he was interrogated for over three hours.

Court testimony by the law enforcement officials who carried out the investigation leading to Thoms' apprehension would later reveal that an inadequate investigation into the identity of the real offender was the cause for his arrest.

After security personnel of an apartment building located on Burnhill Road in Toronto apprehended a man on the premises, the man managed to get away, leaving behind a backpack full of crack-cocaine and cocaine. When police arrived at the scene, the description that security personnel gave to the police was of a black male, between 5’7 and 5’8, 180 lbs, and hair in dreadlocks.

Police entered this description into their database. They received only two results – Thoms, who is between 5’11 to 6', bi-racial, with no dreaded hair – and a white male. This search was enough for police to pin the crime on Thoms.

Police made a copy of Thoms’ image and then asked security personnel if the image was of the man who they had tried to apprehend. The security officials said that it was. Despite having an alibi and several witnesses to support his story, Thoms was charged with the serious drug offence.

Before Thoms’ case went to trial he spent a year on house arrest and faced a five-year minimum sentence for possession of drugs for the purpose of trafficking.

Fortunately for Thoms, the case did not hold up in court. The judge ruled it as a case of mistaken identity and Thoms was acquitted of all charges. Still, the question remains: if the police database turned up several other men who fit the description closely enough, would they have been so lucky? According to Smith, the answer is no.

Smith, the Research Associate, says situations like Thoms’ happen often.

“This is the ongoing ugliness of the state continuing to vilify persons of African descent and that in its mind we’re always suspect,” Smith said.

Through a commission in systemic racism, Smith has found the criminal justice system to be biased in favor of harsher sentencing for African-Canadians.

“The Commission of Systemic Racism in the criminal justice system pointed out the incredible disparity in everything from the awarding of bails and the kind of charges, to the kinds of sentences that were handed down to persons of African descent,” states Smith.

In his research Smith has found that in areas where extensive studies on race and policing have been carried out, the same patterns of racial bias confirmed in these findings can be applied to Canada’s police forces.

“We can look at other police forces that have similar organizational structures, similar hierarchies, similar codes of conduct, etcetera,” Smith says. “That way, we [can look at] the US and the UK and say wow, if they’re finding this there and they’re finding that there, explain to me why it’s going to be different here,”

“It’s almost as if... if you’re an angel in hell prove it,” he states.

Tim Wise, a prominent American anti-racist essayist and author, identified a major consequence of the racial disparity in the criminal justice system at a 2008 conference.

“[Many people] come to the conclusion that those people being locked up must be the dangerous people because why else would we be locking them up? They must be the people we need to fear,” Wise said.

“It then allows the system of racism and inequality to be maintained because the dominant group, even people who themselves were not taught to be racist, even those of us who are white and do not have this overt racial bias, we’re still bombarded by these images of who the dangerous folks are.”

Smith says that the media plays a very important role in the construction of these prejudiced images.

“There’s also the construction of who we are in the media. Here’s where the media plays a very dangerous game,” he said. “For example when Ben Johnson won the Olympic medal he was a Canadian hero. When the medal was taken away because he used steroids, he was Jamaican. When the Just Desserts killing happened [in Toronto], suddenly we were deporting people who were born here or lived most of their lives here to Jamaica for committing a crime—not looking at what was happening in the Canadian environment that was leading to these types of activities,” Smith said.

Smith explained that crime reports are one way that news consumers may develop prejudiced notions of often marginalized groups. Many times, the journalists reporting on an issue have no connection with the subject of the news and no understanding of the implications of their reporting.

“Anti-racist organizational changes would be very helpful. Part of that change, [should be] changing the complexion of people who are in the news rooms,” Smith suggested. “It’s really interesting when you go to the Toronto Star and look at news rooms and look at who is reporting, there aren't people [of color], particularly in areas of important news.”

Former CBC Radio news journalist, Ted Fairhurst, says that journalists are, and should be, held accountable for the impressions they make when informing the public.

“If our stories are simplistic, if we fail to get the other side of the story or all relevant sides of the story, if our stories are based on stereotypes, foster stereotypes and encourage them, then that’s your responsibility and we [journalists] are culpable,” Fairhurst states.

News media are charged with the responsibility of informing the public of the world’s issues and events. Fairhurst believes that when this job is mishandled, there are serious consequences for the public as well as for the journalists.

Accordingly, Fairhurst cites one of Ontario's most heralded publications, McLean's, and the way that they mishandled their controversial article, "Too Asian?", now titled "The Enrollment Controversy" on their website.

“It seemed to me that that was an extreme view, a very pronounced view by a very few number of people and [“Too Asian”] gets put as a headline,” Fairhurst says.

“Reality is much more subtle and grey and complicated than that. We hold the journalist responsible, we hold [the news organization] responsible for the way they did the story and maybe the way they treated it on the front page.”

The consequences of misrepresentation and prejudice have proved dire. For Thoms and his community this has meant being constantly scrutinized by police and the city at large and being labeled a criminal based on his appearance.

“Whenever I see the police drive by do you know what I think now? 'Please don’t turn around',” Thoms says.

“One [police officer] said to me 'You should cut your hair because you look like a suspect.' I’m not going to cut my hair because I know if I cut my hair then they’ll say I look like other guys,” he explains.

“No matter how I put my hair or how I look, they’re going to somehow put me into a category of someone that does wrong.”

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

See the full gallery on Posterous

By Sanjoy Shubro

People who live in the coastal areas of Bangladesh are always at risk of river erosion, cyclones, floods and other natural disasters. Displaced from their homes, they are forced to leave smaller villages and find refuge in the cities.

Motijhorna is a place in the city of Chittagong where refugees flock from islands that are most affected by climate change, like Vhola, Noyakhai, Hatia and Shandip. Motijhorna has an extremely low cost of accommodation but because most refugees live under the hills, landslides are a common danger.

“We have to die,” says 35-year-old Rahima, a garment worker and refugee. “Here we are dying for landslide but in our village we were dying for poverty or natural disaster. It is better to die in a second by a landslide, rather than suffer from poverty or natural disaster.”

Dispatches International photographer, Sanjoy Shubro, captured images of Motijhorna's accommodations, as well as the daily activities of its residents, emphasizing how natural disasters affect communities throughout the world.

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Fahmida Zaman

“I just became numb when we saw the news of the heartbreaking accident, where around 45 students aged eight to eighteen died in Mirsarai, Chittagong on July 11^th, 2011,” says Asif Rahman, a secondary student in Bangladesh.

“Then on August 13^th, 2011, when I saw the news of the death of the two most talented media personalities – director Tareq Masud and cinematographer Mishuk Munier – it made me so frustrated and angry,” he recalls.

The deaths of the 45 students and two media personalities were just a couple of the news items that grabbed the attention of Bangladeshi media in 2011. These tragedies have become some of the most common news reports in the daily papers.

A report by Syed Zain Al-Mahmood in the Forum publication of the Daily Star reveals that Bangladesh has one of the worse crash rates in the world. Road accidents kill more people than malaria or tuberculosis. Although the official statistics state that the number of road fatalities is three to four thousand per year, an independent study done by the Department for International Development in the United Kingdom has suggested that the actual number could be three times the official number. Moreover, the amount of people seriously injured in road crashes is estimated to be over 100,000 each year.

On the World Bank blog, Tashmina Rahman points out that in another study, conducted by the Accident Research Centre (ARC) at the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology, road accidents cause an average of 12,000 deaths annually and about 35,000 injuries.

Sadia Nusrat Saima, a student at the Shahid Mowlobi Sayed School in Chittagong, lost her father, two siblings, and her aunt in a road accident near Cox’s Bazar, Chittagong in 2009. Saima, along with her mother and a brother, were fortunate to be alive. “I lost my father, and the mental shock of the accident on my elder brother has made him unable to work regularly,” she says. “It becomes very difficult for us to live a decent life now.”

Saima’s mother says that she has to work very hard to send Saima to school and to run the family.

Saima thinks that many drivers have not gone through the proper process of getting a license, and as a result they should be held responsible for the accidents. “It was a local driver who did not have any formal education or even a driving license,” she says. “We hired him because our family knew him.”

Solaiman, a 40-year-old driver, thinks that the one behind the wheel cannot be blamed for all accidents. “A driver never kills anyone intentionally,” he says. “We are also human and always try to take care of the passengers.”

“So many vehicles but not enough roads, untrained drivers, and violation or lack of knowledge about the traffic rules are some of the main reasons behind road crashes,” says Mamiruzzaman Manik, a Police Sergeant at the traffic division of the Chittagong Metropolitan Police.

“The process of giving licenses is not transparent at all,” he emphasizes. “Corruption and the abuse of power of the responsible people make it easier for the uneducated and under-trained drivers to get licenses.”

A representative of an organization called Nirapad Sarak Chai [We Demand Safe Roads], who prefers to remain anonymous, says that the group is trying to raise awareness about the licensing of drivers in Bangladesh. We cannot be safe on roads unless we stop giving licenses to the under-trained drivers,” he says.

“Lack of transparency and misuse of power of the higher authority makes it harder to enforce the consisting laws,” the official elaborates.

Since 1993, Nirapad Sarak Chai has been the only major non-profit organization working on this issue. They have been arranging training programs, workshops and seminars; providing road safety education for elementary, college, and university students; and lobbying with stakeholders like drivers, transport workers, labor leaders, and transport business owners, to take appropriate measures to reduce the number of road accidents in the country.

They are also concerned about the light sentences doled out to the guilty parties in road accidents. “If a driver is found guilty of killing in an accident, he would be sentenced to only two years in prison,” says the Nirapad Sarak Chai official.

“Moreover, if someone violates traffic rules, he has to pay 200tk [approximately $2 USD]. We believe that this light sentence gives the drivers an incentive to violate traffic rules and regulations.”

“These punishments were set in 1984,” says Sergeant Malik. It is absurd to follow them in 2012 and it should be upgraded as soon as possible. I would suggest that the fine should be 5000tk [approximately $67 USD].”

The drivers are blamed, but many believe that the wealthy citizens who own the cars and the transportation companies should also be held accountable. “Why people only blame us?” asks Solaiman, the driver interviewed above. “They themselves, especially the owners of the private cars are also responsible. They don’t follow traffic rules, park their vehicles whatever they want. But nobody tells them anything because they have money.”

The inability of police officers to penalize the wealthier perpetrators makes it difficult to set examples for other drivers. “Mark the sentence I will say next, since I have experience working on the roads,” instructs Malik. “Educated people who know the traffic rules and regulations, they violate the rules and misuse their power the most. And we, fieldworkers, cannot take any action against them.”

Road crashes have become one of the most relevant issues of the civil society in Bangladesh. However, the government does not seem to be noticing the damages that it causes.

“We lost two of the great media personalities and around 45 students last year,” the Nirapad Sarak Chai official tells Dispatches International.

“There are many people dying of road crashes that we don’t get to know. Who knows? There might have been our next Dr. [Muhammad] Yunus among those 45 students,” he says.

“It is not only killing the potential people of Bangladesh but also affecting the economy,” says Asif Rahman, the student. “I don’t understand why the government is so careless about this issue.”

In the aforementioned Forum report, Al-Mahmood states, “In cold, hard economic terms, road crashes could be costing Bangladesh two percent of its GDP, says the World Bank—roughly equivalent to the total foreign aid received by the country in a given fiscal year.”

“We cannot eradicate road accidents, but we do need to control them so that we don’t lose lives every day on the roads,” Malik claims.

“Besides taking action to reduce road accidents now, we also need to think of long term projects,” he says. “For example, we should introduce traffics rules, road safety, and other related issues in our schools and colleges so that the young generation becomes more aware.”

“Unless the government wakes up and starts caring about the issue, we cannot reach our goal. The government, city corporations, media, citizens, and NGOs need to work together to ensure road safety,” states the official from Nirapad Sarak Chai.

“One thing we must need to do is stop giving licenses without going through an accurate process,” he claims. “The responsible people need to realize the value of our lives.”

“I don’t want any other family to get ruined like us,” says Saima, who lost members of her family in a road accident. “My voice may not reach the Prime Minister’s or the Communication Minister’s heart. But I pray from my heart that one day they will feel our pain and work accordingly—and may the day come soon.”

Losing lives in road accidents is holding Bangladesh back in terms of economic growth and development; a consequence that should alert government officials and transportation stakeholders to this prevalent issue.

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

Editor's Note: Periodically, throughout the next few months, DI News will be re-publishing some of the best photo essays from issues that have not previously appeared on our new website.

This Week: Melanie Aronson reports from the West Bank

See the full gallery on Posterous

Bil’in is a small Palestinian village outside of Ramallah in the West Bank. Every friday, since 2005, Palestinian protestors have gathered to participate in a protest against a wired fence that demarcates and divides Palestinian-occupied land from Israeli settlements. It has come to further symbolize a resistance against the larger wall that divides the two peoples. Over the years, the fence has been relocated to envelop more of the Palestinian land.

As the protest has become more recognized, Israeli and international peace activists, journalists, photographers, and filmmakers have contributed to the environment of this ritual demonstration. Due to its longevity, the protest has become somewhat of a routine, even theatrical. After the afternoon prayer, protestors gather and begin a peaceful, yet vocal progression toward the Israeli barrier. Once reached, Palestinian rock-throwing initiates the fighting. An experienced Palestinian announcer with a megaphone assesses the situation and warns and directs protestors accordingly. Though predictable, people are often injured and deaths have occurred.

Palestinians use slingshots and throw stones, while Israeli soldiers retaliate with tear gas canisters, rubber bullets, and trucks that spray sewer water. After a few hours, the protest gradually dwindles and people retreat back to their homes as if their weekly duties have been fulfilled.

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

See the full gallery on Posterous

By Abdu Kiyaga

It is 2:30pm in Kampala, Uganda's capital, and the temperature has hit 28 degrees Celsius with the sun at its most acute angle of the day.

Meanwhile, in such scorching sunshine, children between the ages of eight and twenty are standing and sitting along the city’s busiest highway, Kampala-Jinja road, waiting for traffic so that they can flock to car windshields asking for whatever the drivers or passengers can give them.

Not many of these drivers are willing to help the dirty children, however, who are usually dressed in filthy clothes covered in patches. Despite the heat that comes from the tarmac, the children usually have no shoes on their feet.

“I cant give them a single coin because children of such age are supposed to be home helping their parents to do housework,” Abdullah Kawuma, a Boda Boda passenger at Supermarket-Nakumatt, told Dispatches International.

“Giving them money will make them think that the streets are the best places to live because they get free business.”

In Supermarket-Nakumatt, a destination of many tourists and middle-class families who regularly shop there, a high concentration of street children and beggars persists. These children place their hands into the path of passers-by in the hopes of receiving considerable amounts of money. To those who care to give them a coin, they say that they once had families who would take care of them.

“You can never know why they are here; besides, giving to them is not an obligation, but if you feel you really have to give them something, you do it. They are also people like we are.” Kelly Francis, a Swiss national, shares his feeling about charity after handing over a bottle of soda to a child he discovered on his way out of the supermarket.

In 2008, it was estimated that in the major towns of Kampala, Jinja, Mbale and Tororo, Uganda had more than 200,000 street children.

But in Kampala, the rate of begging street children has increased rapidly only in the last decade, mainly with an influx of street children coming from Karamoja, an area located in Northeastern Uganda.

A conclusive reason explaining this boom in street children is yet to be understood by the country, including city officials who still have varying views on the issue. One of the theories is that there are businessmen in the city who have trafficked the children from rural areas to create a business of begging in Kampala.

Child trafficking is said to have escalated in 2005 when the area was hit by drought, leaving many people yearning for something to eat. According to eight-year-old Mary Chepkirui, this is precisely what happened to her.

“There came a man who told my parents that he was looking for children to work as house girls in Kampala. He said that we would earn Shs50, 000 [20 USD] a month,” recalls Mary, in a dirty striped polo shirt. “Upon hearing this, my parents – who by then lacked school fees – gladly accepted.”

Previously excited at the prospect of this man's promises, Mary was stunned when she reached Kampala. Early in the morning she was not taken to her placement as a maid; instead, she was handed a rug and told to go “work” on the street.

“They always woke us up as early as six in the morning and we spent the whole day on the streets, begging,” Mary says. “Upon collecting the money, however, they would give us only Shs500 [nineteen-cents USD] for supper, so I ran away after one week.”

She now resides in Kisenyi, a Kampala suburb slum where many street children from Karamoja reside.

The narrow path leading to her residence is occupied by the stream from a large sewer outlet that makes the whole area stink. The cacophony of the maize mills are background music for these children.

Her residence is a wooden shack, four by four meters, and she says it is occupied by 12 people. It is 6:00 pm local time and the whole family of children is seated in the hut as they sort maize grains that were picked from loading cars.

The children look at me curiously as they ask Mary, “Who is he?” in their native language. “He is my friend and he has come to say hi,” she calmly replies.

Just beside the children is a pot boiling on firewood. Inside it are chicken heads and feet. Mary tells me that after sorting the grains, they will pour them into the pot and supper will be complete.

Last year, in a bid to curb the ever escalating number of street children throughout Uganda, the first lady, Janet Museveni, embarked on a program to sweep the city clean of such children, especially those from Karamoja.

Her vision was to take all children into a rehabilitation home in Masulita where they would be treated as normal youths, offering them the basic necessities they are guaranteed by the constitution. In an operation led by the police, over 500 children were netted and distributed to different homes for children.

Despite Museveni's efforts, the children have once again flocked to the streets after escaping from the homes, as they are accustomed to being independent.

“You find that they don’t want to bathe and wash; and when you tell them to do so, they think you want to kill them, and eventually they run away,” explains Reagan Kaliisa, caretaker at the Kids in Need (KIN) children's home in Kampala. “They generally don’t like to be commanded because they are used to that on the streets.”

Meanwhile, some parents blame the increasing number of street children on the freedom that the current government has guaranteed to the children, hence allowing them to think that they are “untouchable”.

David Kaliisa believes that reports of child abuse escalate into a scenario in which children are taken away from their parents and end up on the street. “You always hear of cases where a parent is reported to police by his or her child because they gave the child three strokes and the police detains such a parent,” he says. “So who do they want to discipline my child? And then you see other kids on the streets and you ask them why they are on the streets and they tell you they were beaten at home, that is nonsense.”

In the traditional Ugandan society, the role of disciplining a child was a communal responsibility, in which anyone in the community was free to spank a child he or she found guilty of wrongdoing. This ceases to be the case today, however.

“Ha! Whose child can you beat and you are not imprisoned?” asks Frank Kayondo, a Ugandan parent. “Those are some of the reasons why children are so under-disciplined today. Everyone cares about their own child and when they leave home, everything is left in the hands of God.”

Mondo Kyateeka, Assistant Commissioner for youth and children at the Ministry of Gender, Labor and Social Development, says that the onus is on parents to ensure that their children are protected from Uganda's ever-changing environment to guarantee a better future.

“In this day and age, we are turning to individualism and so we have to change the ways of living. Children should also know that being beaten is not a crime. There is no parent in the world that wishes their child a dark future; beating them is propagating them,” says Kyateeka.

According to a report by the ministry, the major cause of the increase in street children was the separation of families, most especially as a result of HIV/AIDS. Other major reasons were poverty and wars that had hit the country hard especially the northern region of the country. Regardless of the reasons, the problem of street children persists and a solution is yet to be found.

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

Editor's Note: Periodically, throughout the next few months, DI News
will be re-publishing some of the best photo essays from
issues that have not previously appeared on our new website.

This Week:

Dispatches International staff photographer Muhammad Furqan, traveled
to four provinces of Pakistan while capturing the diversity of
environment and culture, hoping to provide a new angle of interest to
Pakistan: its unique, ecologically diverse regions.

See the full gallery on Posterous

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

Editor's note: While continuing his travels throughout South America in March 2012, Dispatches International staff photographer Geraint Rowland captured the scenery and inhabitants of La Paz, Bolivia.  

See the full gallery on Posterous

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Alessandra Lacaita

See the full gallery on Posterous

Photo captions from left to right: A man sells The Big Issue; Norwich manager of The Big Issue, Jim Graver; Vendor Simon Gravell; Vendor Steve King

“I don't know much about the The Big Issue but it helps me,” says 44-year-old Lizzie Ryan, as she tries to hold back her tears. She sells The Big Issue magazine in the streets of Norwich in the UK while trying to do her best to combat her alcohol addiction. Since she has started selling The Big Issue she feels she can improve her life and, despite the bad memories and the difficulties she has, Ryan maintains a bright personality.

Simon Gravell knows this story well. He has been working as a magazine seller for two and a half years. “It’s the best thing I have done in the last few years,” he says with the smile that makes him a successful vendor.

He tells Dispatches International that the idea of the The Big Issue magazine came from the United States but started in London 20 years ago because of Gordon Roldick and John Bird, two men who fronted the money for the magazine.On The Big Issue's current status, Gravell says: “It works like a social enterprise and it is a non-profit making business, it's not a hand out; all the vendors have to buy it with their own money to sell it.”

Jim Graver, manager of The Big Issue in Norwich, further clarifies how the magazine works: “The Big Issue is a street paper sold by homeless people. We are effectively a not-for-profit social enterprise, so we are not a charity,” he maintains.

“There are two parts of The Big Issue movement, and The Big Issue I work for is not a charity. We are a business but we don’t make a profit. If we did make a profit we would give all that profit to what’s called The Big Issue Foundation. The Big Issue Foundation is a charity and the two parts run alongside one another but the business sale of the paper is a not-for-profit social enterprise.”

Graver explains that the charity provides services such as housing and healthcare, and it survives thanks to fundraising from donors. In Norwich there is no Big Issue Foundation, so most of the services are provided by other companies and charities that work alongside The Big Issue. These include the Salvation Army, which supplies food, warm tea and showers, and the St Martin Houses Trust, which gives beds to homeless people.  

The wages of Graver and the other employees are taken from the advertisements in the magazine and they have a monthly fixed payment, which is independent of the sale of The Big Issue.

Graver says that he started to manage The Big Issue in Norwich 17 years ago, when he was 20. At that time there was a vendor in Norwich that always traveled to London to get copies of the magazines to sell. Some people at St Martin Houses Trust knew about this and offered a room to The Big Issue. Those who were working for the publication realized they needed someone who could work in Norwich and deliver their papers, so Graver applied and got the job.

“I already had seen the magazine sold in London and I thought it was a really good idea,” he recalls. “Moreover I come from a streetwise background – I come from a foster family – so I was quite aware of the care system, social services system and I knew what to do with people who have mental health problems, who have been abused and other things.”

Now, every Monday, Graver goes to Cambridge, where the magazines are printed, to pick up issues to sell. Graver manages four outlets: Norwich, Cambridge, Peterborough and Ipswich. He makes sure every outlet receives their allotted copies of The Big Issue.

Once a homeless individual decides they would like to join the team of salespeople, they have to go to the Norwich office and ask for copies of the magazine. The first five copies are given to the seller for free, then they have to pay the office 50% of each copy sold. The Big Issue costs  £2.50, so £1.25 goes towards the seller.

Gravell, interviewed above, is the highest grossing salesman of The Big Issue in Norwich. He spends all day selling it and he loves his job. “When I started I earned 85p each magazine, so basically it gave me £4.25,” Gravell remembers. “Now with the sales I pay my rent, I buy my food and my clothes. I don't get any benefits. So all I have is from selling The Big Issue.”

Lizzie Ryan is also happy with the profits from The Big Issue because she pays her rent at the place where she is living at moment. “I've got three children, I don't have much money but every week I try to send them money, a card or a letter, to say hello,” she says. “Some weeks I miss but I make sure I phone them or my older son phone to me. I sell The Big Issue because I wanted to get out.”

Selling is not easy. “There are best pitches and bad pitches,” says Gravell.

Ryan agrees. “There isn't a best moment [to sell The Big Issue]. If I get up early and I get down the road at morning, people who know me ask my friend Simon, 'Where is Lizzie?', and if I have a bad night or if I'm drinking, I'm not there. So the best days are those I'm doing it religiously and every day at the same time,” she says.

This work also depends on the weather, on the periods of the year, on the people, and on the confidence that people have while selling. At the beginning everything is difficult, as Ryan recalls. “I thought: How can I do it? How can I be somebody on the street doing a job where nobody likes you? They think because you sell the BI you are not worthy as a person, that you are a bad person,” she says.

“But I'm a normal person, now I'm fine. I don't sell many magazines, but I meet lots of lovely people. I was shy only for three days.”

Steve King, another seller had a similar experience when starting to sell The Big Issue. “I was shy, embarrassed, ashamed, everything,” he says. “People laugh at you, call you  'junkey'. I said 'f-ck off' to them, and now I’m not shy. I like selling The Big Issue, I don’t care what they think. I’m not doing crimes, I’m not a burglar, I’m doing a honest day working. I earn my money in the right way, I’m not a peddler, I’m not stealing, and I don’t ask for money. We are not beggars.”

Each vendor of The Big Issue began selling the magazine because they had no other alternative.“I had nothing and I thought if I go to the office they will give you five magazines for nothing,” Ryan tells Dispatches International. “I was married for 24 years, I was unfaithful to my husband, I walked out the door because he told me to leave. I left three children, I was on my own, and for one year I was mad, drinking six bottles of wine a day. After that, I had three years on my own, homeless, living at friends' houses or in church arches. Then I met a guy who was a heroin addict and I got drugged with him. I stayed with him two years, and I just got away from him three months ago.”

When Ryan had nothing left, she thought that the only way to get out of her situation would be through The Big Issue. “I used to buy it years ago, when I was working,” she says.

Gravell left his home because he found a job in another place, but it was not permanent. Soon he had to move many times but he still did not find employment. After a period travelling all around England and Scotland, he met some people who were selling The Big Issue and he got the information he needed.

He was homeless for three years, sleeping in a tent, until he got the money he needed from magazine sales to rent his place.

King arrived in Norwich in 2005 after having lived in the US with his family. In the states, he had serious problems with drugs and with the law. Immigration will no longer let him enter the country because of his criminal records.

“I have to stay in England,” he admits. “I got criminal records so I have to do job on the street like The Big Issue seller. I got in a big trouble with drugs—I tackled my addiction. I’ve been a heroin addict and now I’m just trying to go in the right way and in a controlled way.  I’ve seen my mate earning good money with The Big Issue and instead of doing crimes I decided to sell it to stop me from organizing crimes. I’ve done it for two years.”

Selling The Big Issue is a job for people without a home—people who really need the work. But like the Norwich manager, Graver, explains, being homeless is more a state of mind than the place where you are living. “You can put somebody in a room who was sleeping on the floor before and it doesn’t mean that the problem has been solved. In Norwich you can count on one hand, or on two, the people who are really homeless.

There are between five and ten; not a great deal but there are some more people who are in hostels, friends floors, vulnerable accommodations and all those people coming under our umbrella; we will do everything for those people.”

He explains that for those who are in trouble, they make a short introduction and ask some questions about their housing situation, where they take drugs and drink, and then they run an assessment. After three months, they review these people to see what’s going on. “It’s better to stop before becoming homeless,” Graver says. “We draw them into the social system, checking their situations and providing for services.”

The Big Issue is a real solution to maintaining a better life. It is good first of all to earn money, to find food and lodging, as Gravell says. “It gives me my only independence,” he states.

Ryan confirms this process. “If you sell some magazines, if you are an alcohol addict, you could use that money to buy some drinks, and I do often,” she admits. “But I'm going to the Alcoholics Anonymous and it's through The Big Issue office. I went to the office and I asked where the AA meeting was. He helped me straight away. They help me. They are like parents; if you ask their help they will give it to you, if you don't ask for help they won't give it to you.”

Moreover, profits from selling The Big Issue avoids some problems that the vendors could otherwise run into, such as theft, peddling or prostitution caused by lack of funds. Selling the magazine out in public permits the sellers to be known by other people, eliminating the possible barriers of integration into the society.

Graver adds that selling The Big Issue could be the start for their own businesses because the concept is almost the same: earning money, using part of it to pay other staff and selling as much as possible.

“The Big Issue makes me feel better,” says Ryan. “It helps people like me who really do want help.”

King gives advice to people that may have addictions: “Don’t go out stealing stuff, go to The Big Issue office; keep magazines and try to sell them. You may have shyness but it keeps you free from prison.”

Graver concludes by saying,“Don’t be quiet. Come and talk to somebody; there’s a lot of help in selling The Big Issue, but essentially it is done for you to help yourself. Nobody is going to do it for you, you have to do it; you have to help yourself, but what we can do is provide you with the tools to help you doing that. We will give you the opportunities but you have to do it, because that’s life.”

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Frederic Musisi

'Kill the gays' legislation is resurrected in Parliament

At the age of 13, Wendy ‘M’ lost her childhood. Just a week after the burial of her mother, she was left in the care of the only person she knew and became subject to all kinds of sexual abuses by her biological father—abuse which lasted until she was 15 years old.

Wendy is 23 now and she is paranoid of male companions. The only way that she can engage in sexual activity is with other females. She identifies as a lesbian, and this is known by only a few others, as she strives to keep this identification undetected. “I wasn’t born this way, but circumstances made me. I love it, because it’s who I am now and I can’t turn back time,” Wendy states.

Previously living in Kanyanya, a suburb of Kampala City, she was forced to change her residence to another place days just days after the 2009 Anti-Homosexuality Bill was recently resurrected in the Ugandan Parliament in February 2012. This bill has tough consequences for homosexual behavior, and even includes the death penalty for accused 'culprits'.

By all means, if the Anti-Homosexuality Bill is enacted into law by the legislators, Wendy and other LGBT [Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, or Transgendered] individuals have to live secretive lives, or else risk being accused of criminal behavior.

For the past two weeks, the country has been hit by a wave of sentiments from appalled LGBT groups. The 2009 bill has been brought back to life by Member of Parliament David Bahati, even after it was halted by Western donor powers like the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom.

In addition to the extreme death penalty sentence for accused homosexuals, there also a life sentence for those who aid the accused—those who fail to report violations of the bill's provisions within 24 hours.

Days later, after the bill was revived in parliament, the LGBT community under the organization Freedom and Roam, tried to convene a secret meeting in one of the country's hotels to discuss their organization's response to the bill. Unfortunately, this plan was faced with problems right from the start.

No sooner had they convened, than Uganda's Ethics and Integrity Minister, Charles Lokodo, dashed in. A staunch Catholic, he immediately ordered the gathering to stop and disperse or else he would call the police to arrest them. “Your actions are not allowed in the country, so get out!” Lokodo hollered. Lokodo has hitherto urged that the bill must be instantly passed to rid the country of such moral indecency.

Set a foot on the Ugandan soil, and you will not miss out on the debate about the criminalization of homosexuality in bars, schools, and other places. A number of people in are in favor of “persecuting those people” and a few advocate for gay rights simply because of the worry that one may easily be mistaken to be gay.

Patience Akumu is a lawyer turned journalist and a gay rights activist, who has occasionally been labeled a lesbian because she advocates for their rights in society. Patience states that, “Proponents of the ‘Kill the Gays Bill’ are determined to enforce it into law, which will leave no LGBT individual un-prosecuted.”

The biggest argument fronted by protagonists of the Bill is that our children are not safe living in a community that is similar to the biblical Sodom and Gomorrah. According to the man who proposed the bill in 2009, David Bahati, “How will Uganda look like if such people (LGBT) begin to kiss and cuddle in public? If it’s okay in European countries—sorry Uganda cannot tolerate such nonsense”.

However, lawyers in the country under their umbrella organization, Uganda Law Society (ULS), have hit back at the legislators, arguing that the bill will institutionalize discrimination against the LGBT population and anyone who is thought to be LGBT. The trade union took a stand, saying that, “They are not promoting homosexuality but rather calling for observance and protection of the rights of the homosexuals as human beings and minorities in the country”.

Davis Sseguya and his partner, Luther, have been closely watching all these events. In a space of just two months, they have been forced to change their residence three times.

“I was never born this way, but I just found out that it is the right way for me,” Sseguya says about his LGBT identification. When his father learned that his son was more attracted to boys than girls, they had a falling out.

At the age of 17, Sseguya was kicked out of his home over the matter, but since then he has struggled to move on with his life. His father has issued numerous threats against him and recently said to his son that he will not hesitate even for a second to hand him over to the police. Sseguya's father is a prominent businessman in Kampala.

“My father doesn’t want me anywhere in his sight and even denounced me as his son,” Sseguya recalls, unsettled.

“The biggest [challenge] here is accepting the LGBT as part of our ‘ordinary’ communities,” Akumu, the lawyer, argues. From the experiences of activists, it is clear that it takes a person of steel to stand up for the rights of such marginalized people, as the activists usually face similar harassment and are labeled as LGBT. Most people try to avoid being called homosexual, for obvious risks associated with this identification.

Recently, during his appearance on the BBC’s “Hard Talk” program hosted by Stephen Sakur in London, President Museveni expressed his frustration at the persistence of the international community, who he said is trying to impose their views on Uganda. “Africans are humble people, we never impose our views on anybody else, unlike the Europeans and Arabs,” he insisted.

The President was very clear about how he views African countries in relation to those in Western Europe. “The difference between Africa and Western Europe is the promotion of homosexual orientation as if it is something good.”

Although this was the first time the President has spoken on the issue since 2009, it clearly showed how far the country may go to enforce the Anti-homosexuality Bill, more infamously known as the ‘Kill the Gays Bill’. David Bahati, who first presented the bill, swore that it has to be passed despite resistance from European countries.

As many people and a few NGO’s continue to raise money out of the situation by claiming to fight for the LGBT plight in exchange for funding from European countries, they have done little to sensitize the masses about the need to co-exist with the LGBT community. There is a gross lack of mass sensitization to the issue, which few media organizations have been able to remedy.

Early last year saw the closure of The Rolling Stone, a newspaper that printed anti-gay related content. The proprietors sought legal redress but it was censored on moral grounds. This was the publication that was known worldwide for printing the home addresses of accused LGBT individuals.

In such times, the LGBT community has to remain off the radar for their own safety; not only is the government a threat, but also the society at large. It is no wonder that all LGBT meetings, parties and other social gatherings are kept quiet to avoid violent reactions from the public.

Why the LGBT resentment?

The resentment of the LGBT community stems from traditions of the much revered and diverse cultures of more than 80 tribes in the country. In most cultures, a man or woman of a certain age is mandated to marry and have children as a symbol of continuity in the family. Failure to comply results in penalties, and a heterosexual partner can be forced upon the person in question by their family.

According to Charles Lokodo, the Ethics and Integrity Minister, “accepting such intolerable behaviors means that we are against our cultures and heading to stagnation [in population], yet even adoption is not something highly esteemed in Uganda.”

There are also allegations that homosexual activities exist underground in Ugandan schools, where a few children have been raped and others lured into the 'habit'. Cissy Nassanga, a mother of three boys, bitterly tells the story of her youngest son, who she claims was purportedly sodomized several times by his contemporaries. Yet, the school dismissed all her claims. “My son has both physical and psychological injuries,” Nassanga maintains.

The practice has been widely reported especially in single sex schools and these schools have been called on by the government to abolish their boarding programs, which are seen as the location where these acts persist.

Muslim clerics in the country have taken a stand, calling for the hanging of anyone accused of these sexual behaviors. The clerics have added their voice to those of the Anglican Church leaders, although the Anglican church has called for the country's legislators to administer lighter punishments or institute a ban on any gay practices, rather than the death sentence.

Meanwhile, David Bahati, the legislator behind the “Kill the Gays Bill,” has maintained that European countries are setting the example for Ugandan sexual behavior.

“It has to be enforced this time around, because there is no country for such misconduct,” he stated. “If European countries feel too concerned, let them maintain such habits in their proximity.” With a few other determined legislators, the extent to which the bill will continue to be debated is still uncertain, but will unlikely be good for any LGBT community in Uganda.

For people like Wendy, whose adoption of such a sexual orientation was brought about by the abuse suffered at the hands of her biological father, the future is blurred.

“If things get far, I will probably seek for asylum elsewhere because one thing I guarantee is; I will never feel safe with any male companion,” she says.

Davis Sseguya and his partner, Luther, hold much affection for each other; but with an immense lack of support from Davis' family and with the 'Kill the Gays' bill in the background, they cannot seek refuge together. Their current situation is representative of the LGBT experience in Uganda; if the bill passes, the danger will become a very clear reality.

Related articles: Breaking the Chains: The LGBT Community in Uganda Endures Despite Persisting Danger

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Michael Sabelli

“You say 'Chinese New Year' to make people understand that it's special New Year rather than the international New Year. Chinese people call it 'Spring Festival'. We do say happy New Year, but when translated, it mostly makes you think about the international New Year

[January 1^st]. People do say 'happy New Year' during Spring Festival too, but Chinese nationals know that you're talking about Spring Festival rather than the international New Year,” clarifies Xiao Zhao, who works at an embassy in Beijing.

The distinction between the two terms can be confusing; especially when subject to translation. In practice, however, they are the same 15 day celebration and the terms are used inter-changeably. Dai Zhezhen, a student from Chaozhou, a small town in south China, alludes to the symbolism of each day of the New Year festivities. 

“Chinese New Year is a period from the beginning of the lunar New Year to the Lantern Festival where you can say 'happy New Year'.”

But it is Zhao Jing, who has been living in Beijing for five years – two of them spent working at a cultural center called The Hutong – who really breaks down the celebrations of each day.

“The first day is the whole family celebration; second day is your mom’s family, but sometimes many families just all get together; third day is for friends that visit, or with aunts and uncles; fourth day is the same, maybe you see somebody you missed the first four days because it’s big families; the fifth day is more fireworks. The sixth day to the 15^th is much of the same, spending time with family. The last day is the lantern festival.”

Spring Festival follows the lunar calendar and so the dates of these celebrations are not fixed annually. Zhao Jing explains this calendar system. 

“Lunar calendar is really smart. We have always used it. The farmers like it because they know when to do things. In the western calendar sometime the year is longer or shorter; it always changes. After a few years, for lunar calendar, we add a lead month to correct the difference like a leap year. We like to check to see when your birthday is on the same day for lunar and western calendars. I have to wait 'till I’m 76 until this happens, but I have friends that have it more often. Of course, this is for luck.”

Luck and fortune constantly pop up in Chinese New Year. For instance, this year’s zodiac is the year of the Dragon, which will bring luck to birthdays celebrated during that time.

Zhao Jing continues, “Chinese people say that we are the dragon – that China came from the dragon. Most of my friends want to have a dragon baby. For me it’s no big difference; tiger, rat—but for some people it’s luck. But people are clever; the word for rabbit in Chinese sounds like the word for red, and red is lucky. It’s to make you feel special. Next year is a snake, but we call it 'little dragon', so it’s still good!” 

The distinguishing feature of China’s flag, the color red, holds strong symbolism that connotes happiness and luck. Dai Zhezhen, the student from Chaozhou, explains the meaning behind the red envelopes given out during Spring Festival. 

“The kids get red envelopes for good luck. You can receive lot of money and then go buy the things you like. The elders, parents, relatives, and the friends of the parents give money. Maybe the parents ask for it back so that they can put it in the bank account so they can receive more later.”

Xiao Zhao, the embassy employee from Xian concurs. “I'm too old for red envelopes. The tradition in my hometown is that when you're a baby until you get a job, relatives, friends of your parents, will give you [red envelopes], if you don't make your own income. But when you get a job and are financially independent you start giving. Some parents will want money when their financial situation isn't good.”

I ask Xiao Zhao how much money is typically inside a red envelope. “This really depends – case by case – if your salary isn't that good, and you're from a poor family, relatively, maybe 100 kuai [approximately $16 USD] to your cousins' kid will keep them happy. I don't know about the countryside. Maybe they still give 20 kuai.”

“When I was a kid I would get 20 kuai, but right now, these days, if you gave somebody 20 kuai in red envelope money they would think, ‘how can you mistreat me like this?’ I guarantee you that. If I gave 20 kuai to my cousins' kid, my cousin would curse me, ‘What kind of relative are you, how dare you, do you think we're a beggar!’”

Money seems inevitably part of the discussion. Zhao Jing, who grew up in a village outside of a small town called Xiao Xian in Anhui province, alludes to something pertinent to modern-day China and a rising middle class.

“As a child you’re really excited for Chinese New Year. Now it’s okay, we can buy new clothes, we can eat what we want every day. But some people save all their money for Chinese New Year so that they can have good luck for the upcoming year.”

It’s not just money but what money represents: Luck. Zhao Jing continues, “Chinese people don’t like to be in debt so will pay back if they can. It’s not good luck to be in debt. But in my hometown we have another way. If I post the red decorative signs outside my door, then even if I owe you a million kuai, you are not allowed to ask me. It means I have already started to celebrate my new year. You have to come back after—celebration is my time.”

The red signs are placed above the door frame and the sides, and can be seen at homes and businesses alike. Dai Zhezhen describes them, “The red paper is cut into Chinese characters. They put it upside down 'cause it means that it will come to you.”

“Mostly they are red, but you can see dark blue, you can see yellow,” adds Zhao Jing. “If someone’s family member dies, you wear white for three years to mourn. But you want to celebrate and you don’t want to put red because that’s for good things, happy things. So the first year you put the yellow, and then the second one is blue, then the third year you can put the red on again. When you see this you know this family is in mourning.”

Traditions are strong in China, as are family ties. However, urban China is modern, and social changes in urban centers have followed. 

“The way people say 'happy New Year' has changed a lot,” says Dai Zhezhen. “I remember when I was young the home phone was very popular so they would call. But now with cell phones people just text each other, or just go on Weibo [Chinese social media].”

When old traditions become outdated, new ones are quick to take their place. Chris Yew, a German-Chinese web developer, has been living in Beijing for three years. He shares some insight on a peculiar trend developing in the capital.           

“The employee turnover rate during Spring Festival is incredible. Many receive their end-of-the-year bonuses, go home for the holiday, and never come back to work. They don’t say anything. I think it’s because they have made their money, they want a longer vacation, and believe they’ll have more fortune in the upcoming new year to find better work with better money.”

I spoke with Yew during the first week where everyone has time off. Most people return to work for the second week of Spring Festival. In a follow-up interview, Yew provides an update on his office situation.

“I told you that the Chinese quit their jobs during Spring Festival. Well, it happened at my office. In fact, none of them came back. It’s China, man! All six left. A whole year of work and effort gone, wasted. And nobody cares. This is not at all unexpected, and why doing business in China is frustrating. ”   

There may not be loyalty in some workplaces, but this is not the case with families. Zhao Jing confirms this. “The boy on the first day has to wake up earlier to respect the elders. In my hometown we still do it. In the morning, you have to go and no matter your clothes, you kneel to them. Only then you can have breakfast. We have dumplings for breakfast. The night before we make the dumplings, we make it all ready for the morning so we only have to boil them.”

“Before New Year’s we will be preparing all the food, and kids come in and say that it’s too much food. They know nothing; they get hit from the parents, because if you say ‘too much’ it’s bad luck so next year you get less. So it’s more, more, more, if you have more left it's good luck, so usually kids are sent outside to play with their friends.”    

Culture can be discovered through food, so it is of no surprise that every region has their special dishes. However, Yew points out that “You will find Jiaozi – dumplings – everywhere, especially the first day of Spring Festival.”

For Dai Zhezhen in the south, “Fish has really special meaning. I heard from my mom that when they were young China was very poor and they would just eat simple stuff, just vegetables, not much meat. So on Chinese New Year they would eat nice foods, almost too much. And all the people who visit would bring something, some meat, or something like this, or they would have lots of fish at one shot.”

From the midlands, Xiao Zhao says, “Xian has a lot of famous local specialties. Huge bowl filled with soup, pieces of Chinese bread, transparent noodles, and lamb. They cook the lamb in the soup for a whole day.” 

Zhao Jing brings us back to the dumplings, “We use to hide coins in the dumplings, but now we change that because coins aren’t clean. So we put something like sugar or salt or chilli – surprise! It’s lucky to get it.”

It’s been said that during Chinese New Year the world’s largest commute takes place. Dai Zhezhen explains, “Everyone is on vacation during Spring Festival. People from a small place they go back to their families. The city people they have a higher quality of living so they go on vacation, holidays.”

But just getting a ticket out of town is a great challenge, as Zhao Jing informs. “I got my ticket online but you have to be really lucky. Open the Internet window to book the ticket, and check the train, find the ticket, then you need to confirm. The Internet is slow and some people can’t get through all these steps. Then you need to go to the ticket office to pay and to pick it up, but you only have 24 hours.”

Then there’s the actual travelling. “On the slow trains there is no space,” says Zhao Jing. “People standing everywhere, maybe you have room for your suitcase, but no space for your feet and head. Some people, three or four people, sit in the bathroom, and won’t get out. It’s crazy.”

These train journeys can be longer than 14 hours. “People are good to each other. They know it’s long so they don’t want to get angry with each other. Sometimes people switch from standing to sitting. Once a guy was sitting and gave me his seat. After 4 hours I wanted to stand up because I want to stretch. The guy knows that would happen. So I gave the seat to someone else. We all help each other.”

“And then arriving back to Beijing after this journey, there are 400 people waiting for taxis for two hours. In Beijing we live in the city, so everyone goes home, and if not they are more connected with western ways. If you want more culture, go to a small village.”

Dai Zhezhen adds, “Not typical westerner parties, but the traditional lines of dancing, then they have fireworks at night, but also firecrackers just for noise. We’re so different than westerners cause they just want to stay at home, but we like to go out, celebrate in a park, and the family goes somewhere together. If it is the village they will all go to the center for the fireworks.”

Beijing really does become deserted during the holiday, as Xiao Zhao explains. “All the pretty girls went home; that's why it's so boring in Beijing! Everyone goes home. You can't even find a taxi. The bing lady – the bread lady – is gone, no breakfast.”

Dai Zhezhen offers good advice to foreigners, “The best way – whatever I say you wont be able to feel – go make Chinese friend as soon as possible and go to their family. If you want a more festival feeling, go to the countryside. Big cities will be empty.”

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Melinda Jacobs, Aaron Wytze Wilson, Mimi Liu, and Remi Kanji

See the full gallery on Posterous

Taiwan’s recent presidential and legislative elections, closely watched by international media outlets, had significantimplications for Taiwan’s relations with China and the US. The elections also witnessed the presence of the first female presidential candidate in Taiwan.

Incumbent president Ma Ying-jeou of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) won a second term with 51.6% of the vote. The opposition Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) Tsai Ing-wen received 45.6% of the vote. James Soong of the People First Party (PFP), who was expected to siphon as much as ten percent of the vote from Mr. Ma, only received 2.8%. The KMT also retained 64 seats in the 113 member legislature, somewhat lower than the 81 seats they had in the last parliament.

Five students were sponsored by the Asian Institute at the University of Toronto to go to Taiwan to conduct field research for eight days during the elections. Aaron Wilson, Mimi Liu, Melinda Jacobs, Remi Kanji and Betty Xie interviewed academics and filmed footage for a forthcoming documentary about Taiwan’s electoral dynamics and the significance of the election for Taiwanese democracy and identity. The students met with members of each political party, the electoral commission, andformer government officials. They attended political rallies and observed other events.

“We were given unprecedented access to Taiwan’s leading experts. The Asian Institute at the University of Toronto, the Taipei Economic and Cultural Office in Toronto, the Taiwan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Canadian Trade Office in Taipei provided many opportunities to witness Taiwan’s democracy before and on election night,” says Melinda Jacobs, a fourth year International Relations student. “[These groups] were invaluable in shaping our experience.”

Trip highlights for the students included watching the casting and counting of ballots, attending rallies the night before theelections, and meeting with officials in the Canadian Trade Office. “For me, the best part of the trip was being part of it all. Each event, each person we talked to about the election changed our perspective on Taiwan,” says Aaron Wytze Wilson, a third year Asia-Pacific Studies student. “The more people we talked to, the more excited I felt about election day. There really was a tension of anticipation in the air and a feeling that anything could happen.”

Mimi Liu, a second year International Relations student, agrees with her colleagues. “It is one thing to read about Taiwanese identity and cross-strait relations [with China] and quite another to get some sense of people’s experiences,” she says. “For instance, [we learned about] their frustration and helplessness with regards to Taiwan’s ambiguous international status. We were greatly energized and inspired by our look into Taiwanese democracy and we are very excited about sharing what we learned.”

This series offers five brief articles about the students’ reflections on their experiences covering the elections for the Asian Institute at the University of Toronto. As these articles differ slightly in style from most DINews pieces, readers should consider them reports from the frontlines of Taiwanese democracy.

Is Taiwan Dead, or Unborn?

By Melinda Jacobs

Taiwan’s democratic identity is as multi-faceted as its long history. Some say that political changes have gradually increased Taiwan’s relevance to China and decreased its historical claims to sovereignty. Others maintain that Taiwan is and always has been part of one China. The events that shaped its current circumstance have precluded it from political self-determination,and Taiwan continues to live in the political shadow of non-recognition. These were some of the images of Taiwan I encountered prior to observing its election process in January 2012.

In contrast to these expectations, I saw a thriving democracy in Taiwan. In the 30 years since the repeal of martial law, democratic practices have become part of the Taiwanese identity. Taiwan is celebrated for its extremely high voter turnout rates and the inclusion of women in the political system. The Taiwan I found was different from the images I had encountered as a Canadian student of International Relations.

Over the course of eight days of interviews with a diverse group of people in Taipei, we asked each person what they wanted an international audience to know about Taiwan. The answer was resounding: “Taiwan is a democracy.”

However, Taiwan’s practice of democracy does not define its identity amidst the larger issue of sovereignty. The use of terms to describe the island – Taiwan, Republic of China (ROC), country, nation, etc. – is very diverse, and alludes to conflicting aspects of national identity.

“We separate identity into parts, the ROC and Taiwan, but actually it’s the same country,” says a student at National Taiwan University. “Do we have to change our flags and songs? Some want to change [our name] to Taiwan, or keep [it as] the ROC. But why do we separate it? It’s the same thing.”

To some, domestic cohesion on identity issues it less important and less salient than the need for a greater international voice. The identity dilemma posed by being a de facto (if not de jure) state lies at the core of Taiwan’s politics, domestically and internationally.

“Taiwan is either dead or unborn,” says Chang-ling Huang, a prominent scholar and women’s rights activist in Taipei. In a global world, says Chang-ling, the Taiwanese “are not citizens, but consumers and producers.” Their confinement to economic roles means they cannot represent themselves politically on an international scale, but instead endure the decisions of others.

This status engenders “anger and resentment.” It is a new image of Taiwan for Canadian students to encounter. “The fact that Taiwan does not exist in the International Community is most unbearable and unfair for Taiwan. The ROC is not recognized by most countries. It has been dead since 1949, or unborn.”

Many efforts have been made to address the identity issue, such as by reforming the way Taiwan interacts with the international community. In this election, this was described during debates on the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement recently signed with China, which would increase trade linkages and promote cross-strait political stability. The Agreement was predicated on the 1992 Consensus – whereby citizens on both the mainland and Taiwan agreed that there is only one China, with each party having a different interpretation of the term – which makes it politically as well aseconomically contentious.

The 1992 Consensus became, in this election, synonymous with views of Taiwan’s independence and economic interactions with the mainland. Economic stability and the preservation of the political status quo were the main campaign messages of President Ma, whose KMT party signed the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement. The main opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party, led by Tsai Ing-wen, took a different approach to the Agreement and related economic issues. Known for being more pro-independence than the incumbent KMT, the DPP said it would be more likely to reject or reformthe Agreement because of its reliance on the “one China policy.”

The conflation of economic stability with core issues of national identity elevated domestic policy issues to higher levels of international salience, as any manoeuvre by Taiwan that would alter the status quo would have international repercussions. Economic issues were thus a less aggressive way of addressing issues of domestic sovereignty. This largely reflects the lack oflinguistic and political mechanisms for addressing the core problem of Taiwan’s political status domestically andinternationally. Indeed, it perpetuates Taiwan’s identity dilemma.

President Ma was able to achieve a victory beyond the expected margin, winning on a platform of economic stability. Domestically and internationally, it was the margin and not the outcome that drew the most attention – as if Ma’s victory had somehow led to a decisive conclusion of the identity dilemma in favour of the status quo.

Despite the obvious tensions between images of Taiwan abroad and its thriving (if challenged) domestic democracy, the practice of democracy, rather than its outcome, was most important to the students we spoke with.

“Is this election important?” we asked the students.

“Every election is important,” the students said. “We love our country, we want it to become better; everyone needs to focus on politics.”

The Youth of Taiwan, the Future of Taiwan

By Aaron Wytze Wilson

That Ma Ying-jeou was re-elected with a healthy margin is a tacit approval by a majority of the electorate on his cooling of tensions and a strengthening of economic ties with the People’s Republic of China. Nevertheless, young people in Taiwan seem to be wary of political and economic agreements with the mainland. This sentiment was clear in my conversations with students and politically engaged youth during the recent elections.

Taiwanese young and old alike carefully scrutinize new trade links and political dialogue with their big neighbour. They fear that stronger ties will undermine the sovereignty of Taiwan. I heard about these apprehensions from students at National Taiwan University, Chengchi University, and the First Voters Group (FVG), a non-partisan organization that educates Taiwanese youth about political issues.

“Young people need to focus on politics,” says Hsu Chiao-hsin, a student at Chengchi University and a spokesperson for FVG. “Whether they care or not about voting, politics will dramatically affect their lives.”

The Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), combined with the 2008 financial crisis, impacted university students and recent graduates in Taiwan. A recent study conducted by the FVG shows that 77% of first time voters were most concerned about employment opportunities and 61% were worried about education issues. “So many young people are facing the depreciation of the value of their degrees, and there’s too much competition for jobs in Taiwan,” says Chen Yi-chi, a leader of the FVG. “For graduate students, the salaries just aren’t good enough, the amounts are too low.”

Many see the ECFA as proof that cross-strait relations are stable enough for business to flourish, and many believe the Agreement could lead to free-trade agreements with overseas partners. Nevertheless, some students doubt the benefits of the ECFA and worry about the political implications of free trade negotiations with the mainland.

“Maybe the ECFA was formed too recklessly,” says Xuan Shangling, a student at National Taiwan University. “The markets are so different: Taiwan is so small and China is so big. I’m an owner of a small business here in Taiwan. The ECFA will bring short-term profits, but how will China be stopped from eating small and medium enterprises like mine? Maybe we need more time to grow our own industries.”

Despite a high proportion of students citing employment as their main priority in choosing a political candidate during the recent elections, the ECFA’s potential for weakening Taiwan’s sovereignty is still a concern for Lanson Cheng, a Political Science student at National Taiwan University. “The ECFA has some benefits,” he says. “But we have to give up a little bit of our sovereignty. I’m not worried about competing for jobs; I’m worried about protecting our democracy.”

Many Taiwanese are worried about Ma’s policies of cultivating closer ties with the mainland, and were deeply concerned when he suggested that Taiwan will eventually enter into “peace talks” with Beijing. Although some Taiwanese want to see growing trade bonds with the mainland, many are deeply distrustful of the communist officials running China.

The Taiwanese youth we spoke with distinguished themselves as “100% different” from mainlanders. Some students had particularly strong feelings about the issue. “Of course I’m Taiwanese,” shot back one student when we asked how he identified himself. “I’m Taiwanese, but I admit, Chinese culture is deeply-rooted in my mind.”

Hsu of FVG explains the differences as a separation into two parts, but not the separation that most would expect: “No, I’m not Taiwanese and Chinese from the People’s Republic of China. I’m Taiwanese and Chinese from the Republic of China.” This is more than simple semantics. Perceptions on identity are diverse, but they are not fractured. Young people seem to be sure of what they are and do not appear to suffer an identity crisis on the issue of nationality.

Convincing students that politics is important is still a difficult task for the FVG. Although Taiwan has an astonishingly high voter turnout rate, it is thought that less than 50% of Taiwanese youth vote. Election turnout rates are thought to be especially low this year because election dates coincided with university final exams.

We found that young adults are likely influenced by their families and family backgrounds when choosing which candidate or party to support. Richard Li, a PhD student at National Taiwan University, described youth voting patterns in this way: “If you care about politics, you make your own choice for whatever party you want, but if you’re indifferent towards politics, your family influences your decision.”

Although Ma’s re-election is an approval of his successes in his first term, he will face the scrutiny of Taiwanese youth. They seek reassurance about employment prospects, a stop to devaluations of their education, and increased salaries for new graduates. Economic links to the mainland are acceptable to many Taiwanese youth, but not if it impedes political sovereignty and the national identity as Taiwanese people.

However, having their voices heard is contingent on their participation on Election Day. As one student says, “If we don’t vote, no one will listen to us.”

Dynamics of Democratic Deepening 

By Mimi Liu

Witnessing Taiwanese democracy first hand was a perspective-altering experience, especially for someone like me, who has grown up in mainland China and Canada. The melding of “Chinese” culture with passionate democratic impulses defied debates about the compatibility of authoritarian, Confucian culture with democracy. I became more hopeful for not necessarily democracy, but greater accountability, transparency, and popular input into governance on the mainland. Granted, that would be more difficult to achieve with a population of 1.3 billion compared to 23 million.

It is also humbling to compare Taiwan’s young democracy, less than three decades old, with democracy in advanced western countries. Many people I met in Taiwan noted the lack of passion in the recent elections relative to those of the past. Post-election discussions often noted the fact that these elections had the lowest voter turnout rate in Taiwanese history, somewhere around 74%. That rate would be astounding in Canada or the US. Perhaps the secret lies in the very fact that Taiwanese democracy is relatively young, that people treasure it because the transition from a brutally authoritarian regime is part of popular memory. I have to wonder whether the Taiwanese will be as passionate about democracy in a few decades.

One of the questions I asked everyone I interviewed was whether Taiwanese democracy is mature or consolidated yet. The responses were mixed. One Taiwanese academic says, “I don’t think Taiwan is a mature democracy yet. Compared to the US or Canada where institutions will restrain the leader if he does something against the public interest, Taiwan’s democratic institutions are not strong enough yet.”

The same scholar also argues, “The path towards deepening democracy in Taiwan is not certain – unresolved identity issues are a significant obstacle to a democratic deepening.” In contrast to this opinion, Bruce Jacobs, a Taiwan expert at Monash University, believes that Taiwanese democracy is already consolidated. However, he also notes that institutions like the judicial system are often criticized as unfair and not independent.

Another common issue that people raised regarding the development of Taiwanese democracy is pressure from Beijing. Many speculate that Beijing made concessions on the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement to make election conditions more favorable for Ma, and Beijing also allegedly sponsored Taiwanese businessmen in the mainland to fly home to vote, likely for the KMT because it is friendlier to big business. Issues of vote-buying were also featured in many media reports. However, some Taiwanese academics we interviewed did not consider vote-buying to be a major problem.

While many Taiwanese we met were very passionate about the elections, the clarity and depth of public discourse was debatable. Joseph Wong, Director of the Asian Institute at the University of Toronto, commented that “some issues seem to serve as a proxy for others.” He gave the example that concerns about economic inequality seem to be a proxy for cross-strait relations. Other scholars noted that voting behavior is largely predetermined by one’s region or socioeconomic class and most will merely abstain from voting for their usual party of choice rather than vote for another party.

Popular coverage of the Taiwanese elections in the “western” media often simplified the complex dynamics at play. Before the election, coverage warned of the potentially dangerous implications of the elections for Taiwan-China-US relations if Tsai won instead of Ma. There seemed to be a sigh of relief when it was announced that the incumbent prevailed. China and the US did not officially endorse Ma but it is widely known that both countries preferred Ma’s approach towards China. The election results lessened the chances of Taiwan becoming a heated issue as both China and the US prepare for their upcoming leadership transitions.

The scholars we interviewed provided a more moderate and nuanced depiction of the elections.

One key point that was repeatedly emphasized was that around 60% of Taiwanese want to maintain the status quo in regards to cross-strait relations. While the KMT is traditionally seen as the “pro-China” party, and the DPP is traditionally seen as the “pro-independence” party, they have both inched towards a middle ground.

David Huang, an academic who previously served in the DPP government, argued that contrary to popular fears, tensions would not necessarily rise between Taiwan and China if Tsai was elected. He asserted that even though Tsai did not accept the 1992 Consensus, the mainland and Taiwan would find alternative ways to negotiate because both place a high value on peaceful cross-strait relations. Tsai tried hard to distance herself from Chen Shui-bian’s antagonistic approach towards the mainland and Beijing moderated its stance towards the DPP as a result. If Tsai had been elected, it is doubtful that she would have advocated pursuing de jure independence and that Beijing would have pushed for full integration.

Many people were surprised by the significant margin that Tsai lost by - most were anticipating a much closer race. At the crux of the issue was the fact that she failed to articulate a compelling alternative to Ma’s approach towards cross-strait relations. His acceptance of the 1992 consensus and his policy of the “three no’s” - no unification, no independence, and no use of force had been successful in improving relations with Beijing. Tsai accused the KMT of endangering Taiwanese sovereignty, which resonated with many. However, her proposal of a “Taiwan Consensus” lacked specifics and failed to engender confidence in her ability to negotiate cross-strait issues.

Ma’s six percent margin of victory was down from the 17% margin he had during the 2008 election. This result suggests that the Taiwanese are still wary of closer ties with China, which means that Ma will have to approach Taiwan-China relations with caution. Many analysts have commented that Ma may find dealing with China more challenging in his second term. Although the Chinese government will be preoccupied with domestic problems and a leadership transition for the near future, some are concerned that after the transition pressures may build on Ma to tackle issues that are more difficult than trade and transportation. That said, the Chinese government has become more skilled at dealing with Taiwan and likely would not force Ma’s hand unless a major crisis of legitimacy occurred on the mainland.

Multiple interviews with citizens and scholars allowed me to appreciate the complex issues, dynamics, and contingencies at play in Taiwanese democracy. The electorate is passionate, but politics are influenced by outside pressures, and public discourse suffers from a profound lack of depth and clarity. Overall, I believe that the recent presidential and legislative elections in Taiwan show that the country is well on its way towards democratic consolidation.

“We Are Not A Citizen”

By Remi Kanji

“In this globalizing world, we are not a citizen. We are consumers…we are consumers in the world markets. We are producers in the world markets. We only have economic roles.” A prominent feminist scholar, Dr. Chang-ling Huang’s words paint a depressing and poignant picture of Taiwan’s position in the world.

Due to historically tense cross-strait relations with China, only 23 countries around the world recognize the Taiwan as an independent country. Most international groups treat it like a de facto, but not a de jure, country. No country recognizing Taiwanese sovereignty is actually a major trading partner – Taiwan’s closest trade relationships are with China, the US and Japan. In particular, the US and Japan are focused on relationship-building with China, and express frustration when Taiwan asserts its independence too vocally.

With the signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, Taiwan has solidified its formal links with China and the two countries have enjoyed further economic integration. Taiwan’s economic prosperity has become increasingly contingent on maintaining a good relationship with China. But what does this mean for the expression of Taiwanese identity? And what does it mean for Taiwanese independence?

After observing the 2012 elections and speaking with a number of Taiwanese people and Taiwan scholars, it was apparent that the emergence of a Taiwanese national identity and the growth of Chinese-Taiwanese trade ties have resulted in tension. Dr. Michael Kau, a prominent democratic activist and scholar, observes, “The Taiwanese are too practical and pragmatic. They are afraid of losing their jobs, and lots of businesses are connected with China.”

University students, though proudly self-identifying as Taiwanese, expressed a similar sentiment when asked about their priorities. They often say, “Jobs and salaries are the most important factors in deciding a young person’s vote.” For most countries, a strong economy and national pride are not mutually exclusive.

However, overt displays of Taiwanese nationalism tend to aggravate China. Though he noted that the Taiwanese flag was on prominent display during the election, Dr. Kau reveals, “When Chinese leaders come to Taiwan, they forbid local people to wave the flag, because it’s provocative to the Chinese.”

Expressions of overt Taiwanese nationalism during Chinese visits carry serious consequences, including arrest. Internationally, Taiwanese citizens are also prevented from expressing their national identity. Dr. Huang added to Dr. Kau’s observations, “You go to an international location and realize you cannot easily wave your own flag.” Taiwanese symbolic self-expression – and substantive self-expression through participation in international bodies – is limited by Taiwan’s economic relationship with China.

In a lot of ways, the increased trade ties through the ECFA are inevitable. Taiwan has a history of high trade levels with China and even if it chose to divert trade, both the US and Japan are heavily reliant on the Chinese economy. In particular, the Chinese have bought spectacular amounts of American debt, tying the two countries irrevocably together. American national interests tend to favor China. During various meetings, interviews, and briefings, both non-Taiwanese and pro-Taiwanese scholars tended to describe Taiwan as “making trouble” when addressing situations where the island nation took an assertive international stance contrary to China’s. Thus, economic integration has put limits on official Taiwanese self-expression.

At the same time, Taiwanese national self-identification has sharpened. “If you look at our young students, for them it is perfectly natural that Taiwan is a different country from China,” says Dr. Chang-ling Huang. Some interviewees even suggested the experience of running a business in China resulted in stronger Taiwanese self-identification, though their point was arguable given rumors that the Chinese government subsidized plane tickets for businessmen to return home to vote. Irrespective of their party lines, however, one thing was clear: businessmen wanting to continue working in China could not conceivably agree with DPP sentiments, given the KMT’s strong working relationship with the Chinese government. The curtailment of democratic self-expression in order to keep the peace with China is even apparent on a personal level for Taiwanese businessmen.

In some ways, the tension between the two political entities is understandable given their history. For years, the authoritarian Taiwanese government asserted a claim over mainland China – something that is not easily forgotten. However, as the countries inevitably grow closer, Taiwan drops claims to the mainland. Because Taiwan is an export driven economy, the high employment rates and growth enjoyed by Taiwanese citizens are dependent on further global integration, namely closer relationships with the US, Japan, and China. Moreover, as China grows, more countries orient themselves toward it. The Taiwanese economy is becoming increasingly dependent on assuaging Chinese political concerns, while the Taiwanese people are growing more assertive about their national identity. The interaction of these forces is complex and their resolution unclear. But their interplay has certainly added a sense of urgency and drama to each election.

Concluding Thoughts

The entire trip to observe the recent elections in Taiwan was memorable, but one moment stood out for us. We attended the DPP rally on the night of the election. It was held in a stadium packed with a hundred thousand people, all cheering for Tsai Ying-Wen. None of us had ever seen Canadians express such passion for politics – the only time we could remember Canadians having a comparable reaction was when Sidney Crosby took home the gold during the 2010 Winter Olympics.

And yet a hundred thousand Taiwanese were packed into a stadium, decked out in DPP swag, cheering to a soundtrack that sounded like it was composed by Hans Zimmer. As first-time observers of elections in Taiwan, it seemed ironic to us that many of the scholars following this election described it as lacking the drama that had characterized previous elections.

If this election is less compelling than those previous, it appears Taiwanese democracy is under a pressure cooker. The close proximity to mainland China means that every Taiwanese election has a crucial (or at least, perceived to be crucial) impact on the formation of Taiwanese identity. This impact seems to be recognized by Taiwanese, expressed through high voter turnout and passionate political debates.

The importance of cross-strait relations also forms an important thread running through the fabric of Taiwanese policy. Taiwanese economic relations, whether through the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement with China or other agreements with different countries, are shaped with an eye to Chinese interests. Taiwanese elections are impacted by China’s interference – at the moment, a subtle, managed interference, designed to not be too overt.

As well, Taiwanese identity itself is bounded by a respect for and wariness of mainland China. Nationalistic KMT symbols and relics that in some ways represent and characterize the country’s history are an understandable affront to China. How does one reconcile these two histories?

It is clear that the status quo – a Taiwan either “dead or unborn” – is not acceptable. How this tension can be managed is as unclear as the public discussion about it. Perhaps an important first step in Taiwanese politics is a frank and open talk about what it means to be Taiwanese, especially given the existence of a strong China just across the strait. A clear dialogue on the balance between maintaining economic considerations while lobbying for international dignity and recognition is also needed. However, these topics are not usually openly addressed. Instead, in this election, it was discussed through proxies.

Part of Taiwan’s strength internationally is its position as a strong, vibrant democracy. This newfound tradition must be safeguarded, deepened, and leveraged to create an international space for Taiwanese rebirth, regardless of the relationship it develops with China.

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Zoe Thomas

The winding alleyways of Morocco’s medinas are known to hide surprises behind every turn. Broken door frames lead the way to a leather worker's studio; moving out of the way of a passing donkey carrying soda bottles or American t-shirts can lead you to an antique jewelry shop or bakery making fresh doughnuts. 

Around one such a bend, behind an innocuous door in Fez is a large mansion that houses a government-run carpet collective. The collective is made up of 1,350 divorced women from across Morocco who design and create carpets, and whose proceeds are divided up equally among them. 

The manager of the collective, a man employed and paid by the government, explains that the government created the collective and gave it this building in order to help divorced women, who would otherwise have no one else to take care of them.

The government’s efforts may seem noble, but many questions have arisen as to whether they are really doing enough to help women throughout the country. Female illiteracy is far higher than that of men, and is thought to be higher than 80%  in rural areas of the country. Economic opportunities are lacking and violence towards women is not rare. Movements to improve the situation and protect the rights of women have been underway for a number of years, with both international and grassroots groups stepping up to appeal for legal and cultural changes. 

Association Démocratique des Femmes du Maroc (ADFM) is one such group. Their work has helped to empower women in rural areas to claim land rights that are equal to those of men. Previously, women were not allowed to inherit land; instead it was passed to male relatives or their husbands. Helping women gain equal rights to land inheritance is also seen as a way to help them provide for themselves. Ouafaa Amdaou, Director of ADFM, explained that although legal changes have occurred in favor of women’s rights, it has made little difference to Moroccan society. 

“In a rural environment, hostile, ruled by a patriarchal system, where women suffer from prejudices and all kinds of violence; social, economic, legal, physical, the awareness of the changes isn't an actual matter. Far from it!” Amdaou said. 

The new laws that she refers to have come through in a series of changes. In 2004, the family code or Muwada was changed. This gave women a greater ability to divorce their husbands, removed the requirement that a woman be given to a man for marriage by a father or a brother, granted equal share of the home to women, and raised the age of marriage to eighteen years old, making it equal to that of men. 

Further reform was brought about by the February 20th protest in 2011, sparked by the Arab Spring and other revolutions across the country. The protest forced the King of Morocco to call for new parliamentary elections and brought a new constitution, which requires Moroccan law to comply with international treaties and conventions on human rights.

Stefanie Bordat from the human rights group, Global Rights International, said that the new constitution voted in after protests in 2011 had gone a long way to protect human rights in the country by following the language and guidelines laid out by many international human rights conventions.

For Amdaou, she blamed not the legal system but cultural changes as a contributing factor to the disenfranchisement of Moroccan women.

“In my opinion, the most pressing issue Moroccan women face today is the Islamization or the traditionalization of the society. There is indeed an increase of religiosity in Morocco, an increase in the wearing of headscarves, but above all an increase of intolerance toward women who choose not to follow these patterns.”

She described how as a young woman her mother felt comfortable wearing western-style clothing, sexy swimwear and short shirts but now, according to Amdaou, she no longer feels free on public streets. 

“Yes, some women wear headscarves for religious reasons, but also sometimes for personal, familial, and educational reasons. Headscarves may be a convenience to avoid harassment in the streets and in all areas of social life.”

Bordat felt that there were certain worrying aspects of the constitution.

“Several of the fundamental rights sections, especially those in relation to women’s rights they qualify these great declaration of equality and human rights by saying that it is always within the limits of respect for Islam,” she said.

Catherine Harrington from the Women’s Learning Partnership said, “There have been a lot of constitutional changes, but there have also been large electoral victories for Islamic groups and that leads to a fear that maybe you’ll see a turning back of these reforms.” 

These concerns were highlighted in the appointment of one female minister to the cabinet. Bassima Hakkaoui is Morocco’s minister of Solidarity, Women and Social Development. Her controversial stance on women’s equality has made some people question whether her position might negate recent reforms for women’s rights. 

Though Moroccan law is not based on Islamic laws, the culture is informed by it. 98% of the population is Muslim.

“Morocco is a really great example of a culture informed by religion,” said Harrington.

But Morocco is unique in the region for another reason, according to Professor James Sater of the University of Dubai. This reason is the reform-oriented King Mohammed VI and the legitimacy he holds in the country. Sater points out that the protests held in Morocco during the Arab Spring were different from others in the region because while change was called for, it was not heavily focused on removing the king. In this way, reforms could be put through without violent revolution or prolonged protesting.

“A large percentage of the population, including intellectuals, journalist, academics, and opposition parties think the changes have been very successful,” Sater said. While the elected Islamic government is seen to draw its values from a historic view, the King is often thought of as modernizing. 

“Morocco has a fairly unique set of circumstances that endows the king with legitimacy that other leaders lack,” Sater explained

Whether the King or the parliament has a better vision for Morocco, legal power is left almost solely in the hands of the King, who can veto, change or remove laws and  officials he does not like or agree with. The parliament’s main role is to question policies and proposals, as well as hold committees. 

Bordat said that since the election of the new parliament, they have seen more action with regards to their role in investing in committees. She said their activeness meant Global Rights and other groups were able to ask about, and really measure progress being made on laws such as those that protect women from violence. 

With nearly all the legal power held by the King, it is difficult to see what real changes the parliament could make. “There is always the option that if the king changes his mind or if there is a new king in the succession, that all the reforms that were taken could be pulled back.” 

The King’s reformist attitude coupled with a sense of legitimacy, which Sater explains comes both from historical and religious traditions, has focused much of the anger and frustration on parliament. The economic, social and gender disparities are often said to be caused by corrupt politicians. 

In the 2007 elections many people reported either being a victim of vote-buying or knowing someone affected by it, Sater admitted. He also explained that politicians are among those most able to take advantage of political and international trade agreements, further separating them from the large, impoverished Moroccan population.

This perhaps further explains why many of the problems are connected to the political elite and not the King. Regardless, many women are still left in the middle. Improvements to their legal status may be slowly coming in, but social equality is something many activists and Moroccan women are still working towards.

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Shantal Otchere

See the full gallery on Posterous

Another chance: deferred sale of homes enables tenents to voice their concerns

“I’d like to share with you an article by the Globe and Mail I came across. The article was dated July 7 2011, titled ‘Residents of Toronto public housing four times more likely to be murder victims'.” Sherri Williams, a single mother of two, began her deputation before council members of Toronto’s Executive Committee. “A tenant is at least four times as likely to be murdered as someone living elsewhere in the GTA [Greater Toronto Area],” recited Williams.

Williams was one of 117 members of the public registered to speak at the meeting which took place in February in an effort to make her case for why the city should not sell the house her family has lived in for the past four years. The sale would result in a move back to the decaying high-rise housing complex that she described as being plagued with pests and violence.

“In the building there were bed bugs and cockroaches. There were people running around with balaclavas in the summer telling us that we can’t come out of our units when [we’re] in the hallway talking to another neighbor,” explained Williams. “It was horrendous.”

Members of council decided to defer the ultimate decision to sell the homes of over two thousand people, owned by the Toronto Community Housing Corporation (TCHC), until September.

Reporters Stephen Spencer Davis and Timothy Appleby prepared the article to which Williams refers for the Globe and Mail. The article found that over 18 percent of the city’s homicides were committed on TCHC property, while this property consists of merely eight per cent of the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). The article also purports that 90 percent of the incidents occurring in neighborhoods with houses owned by TCHC – otherwise referred to as “scattered units” – were found to be non-violent or non-criminal.

After years of pleading with management to place her family into safer accommodations, Williams’ family was finally offered a house in a quiet neighborhood in the (GTA).

“I only lasted a year. Every day I went down with my children, begging my housing property management to get me out of there,” said Williams. “And they did.”

Amtol Ahmed, a mother of two, received notice last July that her family may soon have to move out of their home as well. If her home is put up for sale Ahmed and her family of five will be moved into an apartment complex in Scarborough. She and her family have lived in their home for ten years.

“Why [would] the government give us a house if they’re going to sell it ten years later?” said Ahmed. “They didn’t give us a letter when they gave us this house. How are they going to tell me now to get out?”

Many have agreed however that the decision to sell homes cannot be made in haste. February’s Executive Committee meeting saw councillors all too eager to put fourth actions they believe will go towards TCHC’s now $751 million repairs backlog, rather than mull over alternatives to scattered housing sales.

Conversely, it was established that between now and September, a task force, headed by the Affordable Housing Committee chair, Councillor Ana Bailão, would investigate prospective alternatives.

Rowan Caister, who studied architecture in Waterloo, believes alternatives are available. As an undergraduate, Caister worked for the Metropolitan Toronto Housing Authority, one of two corporations that merged to form the units that now compose the TCHC. It was Caister’s job to audit stand-alone units to assess their physical conditions. He looked at a dozen of houses a week for four months. It is because of his history with the company that he continues to follow the story very closely.

“The TCHC created a forecast of its capital budget deficit, which is expected to grow from $693M in 2012 to $1.7B in 2021,” wrote Caister in an email to DI. “My chart shows the effect of the housing sale on that forecasted deficit. Since the TCHC described two ways in which money from the sale could be used as revenue to make repairs, the chart shows how each of the two ways fails to make a significant impact.”

Caister utilized his expertise to develop the following chart:
 

Figure1.  Even if money from a sale is used immediately for repairs
(capital option) or put in a fund and the interest used for repairs
(interest option), a housing sale alone will not address the TCHC
capital budget deficit.

“They lose income,” explains Caister. “For every house they sell, if they have to move a family from a geared-to-income unit to somewhere else, there’s a good chance that will displace a market unit.” He explains. “The interesting thing is, the interest that [the city stands to] gain from selling all of these houses is roughly the same as the money [they] lose every year.”

Scattered housing a small form of redemption for vulnerable families

Williams says she was grateful to have been offered a house, even in the deplorable condition of the unit, because it is the home where her family now feels safe.

“When I moved into my house I wanted to establish that I took this place because it was a favor to get out of the danger—so I took it 'as is',” explained Williams. “There were clothes melting in the backyard into the ground. There were diapers in the duct beam.”

Tenants are entitled to make requests to their landlord – the TCHC management – to take care of the repairs and damages that may occur in their home. However, as TCHC board director Munira Abukar acknowledges, Toronto’s largest landlord provides notoriously sub-par services.

“The operating budget has gone in some communities from $100 million to just $50 million now. Where do I fix? Someone’s bathroom or someone’s kitchen, someone’s sink or someone’s floor?” says Abukar. “People don’t know anymore.”

Consequently, according to Councillor Adam Vaughan, a government commissioned report suggests that there may be a relationship between the poorly constructed and maintained apartment complexes and the social isolation endured by tenants, in addition to the alarmingly high volume of criminal occurrences.

“In a report, [TCHC] found a complete correlation between antisocial behavior, badly repaired buildings and managers with poor maintenance records,” Vaughn said.

Abukar did not mince words when she told Dispatches International about the social exclusion to which she feels other TCHC board members subject low-income tenants. Abukar says she believes that as community housing’s sole stakeholder, the city of Toronto may be imposing a pressure on board members to make decisions in the interest of satisfying a business agenda and not in the interest of tenants, thus playing a contributing role in the social exclusion suggested by Vaughn.

Abukar explained that this business agenda requires discouraging the “mixed-income housing model” necessary to integrate vulnerable and low-income families, and subtly moving towards a gentrified city that is in favor of housing market value.

“I feel there’s an underlying eagerness to get rid of the mixed-income housing model which a lot of councillors are saying they don’t want,” said Abukar. “They want to promote it but at the same time when you get ride of housing that doesn’t look like it’s typically reserved for low-income [residents], you kind of get rid of the mixed-income model and throw people into the neighborhoods where they are easily targeted or easily recognizable.”

As a result, the council’s bid to sell scattered housing to mollify the city’s surmounting debt, comes at the expense of the hundreds of families who hang in the balance. An expense that Caister’s graph suggests is futile.

“If you’re selling that many houses you have to pay lawyers and you have to pay real estate agents, you have to pay to move people out—you have to pay to actually enable this process,” explained Caister.

“You’re still losing a significant amount of money every year. It doesn’t matter how you use the money from the sale you’re still shifting your costs to provide this service within the same system.”

The debate on the sale of 704 scattered social housing units continues to be controversial, with the opinions of city councillors polarized on the issue.

“We can’t surrender low-income families to monolithic buildings or neighborhoods. We need to integrate everybody because everybody does better when we do that,” said Vaughn.
At the other end of the spectrum, Councillor Norm Kelly insists the motion to list the single-unit properties is a necessary evil.

“We have an option presented to us by the TCHC board that says you have an ability to help 17 thousand people and on the other hand put two thousand people into some discomfort. So that’s the balance. Two thousand people and 17 thousand on the other,” said Kelly. “Rarely are decisions made in any government that cleanly cuts the baby in half. What we have today are the only solid solution that’s on the table right now. That discounts wishful thinking or hopeful expectations.”

Unlike Councillor Kelly, Abukar expressed to Dispatches International her belief that the most important issue was overlooked. Abukar said that the real issue is the future of TCHC tenants. Not just those who face losing a place within a mixed socioeconomic neighborhood, but those still living within some of the city’s most neglected housing complexes.

“I think people are really missing the key issue: how tenants feel living in their units,” explained Abukar. “It comes down to listening to what the tenants have to say and let’s really work together. Step out of your privilege as a councillor and really look to how we as a city can overcome this battle.”

Abukar expressed her disappointment in Councillor Kelly’s apathy towards tenants who want to keep their homes—apathy evident in his “baby” analogy.

“Wouldn’t you rather save the baby’s life than have the baby killed or cut in half? I don’t understand the mentality sometimes. It’s a very violent mentality,” says Abukar. “To just cut someone in half. You’ve just lost your sense of humanity for the people that live in the houses they live in.”

The impact of living in a neighborhood that is not identified by its socioeconomic status or consisting of a disproportionate number of under-employed residents is no trivial experience for the tenants who face loosing this opportunity. Some tenants attest to having their lives changed for the better. For Williams, this includes the creative freedom to try her hand at writing children’s literature. For her son, now 16 years old, this meant developing a newly found interest in his education, contributing productively to his community.

“I wrote a children’s book which one of my home-owning neighbors is illustrating and I will be self-publishing,” said Williams. “I also recently got my G2 drivers license that another home-owning neighbor – who was amazed that I hadn’t gotten it yet in my 36 years – [helped me practice for.] My son had a 50 to 60 percent average, now he has an 80-90 percent in school. He doesn’t wear his pants off his butt anymore, he helps the neighbors with shoveling snow—he’s more manageable.”

Williams left members of council with the following revelation, “when you see good you want good, when you want good you do good.”

“That’s why scattered units work,” she said.

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

Editor's Note: After numerous Dispatches International articles investigated the conditions of garment factories in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, staff photographer Syed Arefinul Haque provides a visual take on the conditions of the factories. 

See the full gallery on Posterous

The Ready Made Garments (RMG) industry has been the main source of growth in the export market of Bangladesh. It is also the foremost sector in employment generation.

The direct contribution to national GDP from RMG is about 11 percent – comparatively small – but the industry plays a key role in employment to poorer areas of Bangladesh.

The export-oriented RMG sector in Bangladesh started its journey in the late 1970s as a small non-traditional export sector. The RMG “boom” in Bangladesh began in the early 1990s, when free market oriented government policies and a variety of incentives to RMG producers first enabled entrepreneurs to invest widely in the sector. Throughout the 1990s, the RMG industry grew steadily, from 759 RMG factories at the start of the decade to 2,726 by 1998.

In September of 2008, the number of RMG factories in Bangladesh stood at 4,740, according to Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association. After a few decades it became the major export revenue earning sector, employing the greatest portion of human resources working in the industrial sector of the country.

In this sector, the factories have to maintain rigorous quality control over their product and safety measures for their workers. This includes like safe drinking water, medical facilities, and fire safety procedures. Additionally, in some factories there are rows of sound systems throughout the assembly lines of workers, from which music is played during the working hours to reduce the monotony of their labor.

The finished goods are sent to different continents with the tags of brands like Inditex, Fruit of the Loom, Russell and others.

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Madushani Pandipperuma

Editor's note: This article is the second part of a two-part series on migrant labor in Sri Lanka. The first part of the series focused on the healthcare coverage for migrant workers and its impact on their livelihood while in the country. This article discusses the legal framework surrounding healthcare coverage.

“Once, a worker at the site got injured due to an accident. It was around 5pm in the evening. We had only the government hospital nearby to take him to,” recalls a Chinese health manager who works at the port site of Hambantota in Sri Lanka.

“At that time there were no doctors available at the hospitals to give treatments. We were helpless. We could not admit him even to the hospital, because that time the counter was closed. There were no even private hospitals around in the area and the government hospital was the only place we could ask help from.”

As mentioned in a previous Dispatches International article on migrant healthcare, foreign employment in Sri Lanka has been a major factor contributing to the recent boom in construction that the country has recently experienced. Because of the problems facing these migrant workers when they try to obtain health services, this article will consider the legal framework that stands behind the healthcare services for foreigners in Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka has a large number of massive building projects throughout the country. According to Mahinda Chinthana, the government plan that discusses Sri Lanka's development over the next few years, this rate of construction will continue. Because of this, it is safe to say that the already large amount of foreign laborers who have arrived to help with past projects will be increasing.

The legal benefits that exist internationally for foreign workers are outlined in various international agreements. For example, Article 12 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) recognizes “the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health.” This includes all aspects of hygiene; the prevention, treatment and control of epidemics and endemics; occupational hazards; treatment of diseases; and a guarantee that gives the worker access to all medical services in the event of sickness.

This internationally recognized right for migrant workers does not necessarily extend to all countries, however. Article Two of the ICESCR states that “Developing countries, with due regard to human rights and their national economy, may determine to what extent they would guarantee the economic rights recognized in the present convention to non-nationals.” Because of this clause, there is no obligation to give non-nationals access to health services in developing countries.

Article 28, however, of the International Convention of the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers (ICRMW), insists on health coverage for all migrant workers that is equal to the health care given to citizens of the country in question. “Migrant workers and members of their families shall have the right to receive any medical care that is urgently required for the preservation of their life or the avoidance of irreparable harm to their health on the basis of equity of treatment with nationals of the state concerned. Such emergency medical care shall not be refused by reason of any irregularity with regard to stay or employment.”

According to these obligations, it is clear that there should not be any discrimination for foreigners accessing health services because access to these services is considered a human right. In these international conventions, non-national laborers are entitled to the right of medical care, regardless of their irregularity of stay or employment, and whether they are a legal or illegal worker.

Moreover, under the International Convention for the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), countries must “refrain from denying or limiting [non-nationals] access to health services.”

Beyond these international guidelines, Sri Lanka is also accountable to its labor laws and the requirements from the Ministry of Health.

Mr. Pathiratne, the senior legal adviser at the Department of Labor in Sri Lanka tells Dispatches International that it is not specified whether the word 'local' in the Sri Lankan labor acts is referring to foreigners or citizens. It is crucial that the definition of 'local' is clarified, however, as the lucky individuals who fall under that category are entitled to benefit from all healthcare rights, free of charge, throughout the country.

However, a Ministry of Health regulation heeded by many hospitals in the country states that free health services are a resource for Sri Lankan citizens, and that foreigners should pay for this care while living in the country, even if they are working as laborers for Sri Lankan construction projects.

Hospitals that are enforcing this regulation include those located in the areas where large developmental projects are underway, projects like Hambantota or South Colombo Port, the southern highway, the southern railway tracks and the highway in Katunayaka,

If the labor law mentioned above is referring to non-nationals as the 'locals' eligible for health services, then Sri Lanka is functioning under two contradictory regulations when the Ministry of Health prohibits these same non-nationals from accessing free healthcare.

As Sri Lanka is currently experiencing massive development, certain experts on the issue think the country should view these migrant laborers as a service being provided to the nation.

Dr. Thushara Ranasinghe, has done a study with the International Organization for Migration. “We have turned our system from a labor sending country to a labor receiving country today,” she says. “This is the time we have to look back on their service and how we should take care for the services [they need] as they work for us in our country. It is true that they get paid in our country, but is it fair we do not allow them to access our free health services in the country, as we use their labor for the development in our country? We have to formalize a proper system that [provides healthcare].”

Mizu Kin, a Korean worker who works at the Colombo port site, believes that the healthcare that he has received in the past is insufficient for the work that he provides. “When we go to a public hospital we have to wait so long,” he says. “And the service in these hospitals is not satisfactory. We can go to private hospitals and get medicine, but it is very expensive.”

Y. G. Park is another Korean worker and the coordinator of the project at the Colombo port site. “Most of the time I am responsible to take people to the hospital for treatment if any injury or accident happens at the workplace,” he states. “Here, both local and Korean workers work at the site, and we take the locals to the government hospital, but the non-nationals to the Apollo hospital. I am not sure whether we can go and get treatments from government hospitals or not as non-nationals. So I take the non-nationals to Apollo hospital which is a private hospital. Though cost is a bit high, I think we get enough treatments and facilities there.”

Because of improved facilities, most of the foreign workers admit that they seek services in private hospitals even though they are more expensive.

Dr. Lalith Samarakoon, who also deals with migrant workers and their treatment, says that “The regulation that was issued by the Ministry of Health is what we follow in our government hospital. However, Hambantota, Mattala and Katunayake are some of the major areas where a large number of foreign workers are located at this time. As I have heard, still some of the hospitals do not have this regulation and they do not charge foreign workers.”

It seems clear that there is confusion over whether or not migrant workers are charged for health services or not, depending on where they go for treatment. Understandably, both doctors and patients are unsure over the procedures. Because of the uncertainty over the definition of 'local' in the labor law and because of the international attempt to regulate health services for migrant laborers, Sri Lanka needs a more systematic approach to this issue.

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Fahmida Zaman

For the last few decades, the ready-made garment (RMG) industry has not only become the backbone of the Bangladeshi economy, but has also been the means of economic independence for thousands of poor, uneducated women in rural areas of Bangladesh. The RMG sector contributes nearly 80% of the total foreign exchange of Bangladesh. The largest role of this key industry is taken on by the female workforce between the ages of 14 and 30.

An article published in October 2010 on libcom.org states that, “The industry grew rapidly from the 1970s as exports expanded across the global market; the RMG sector now contributes around 80% of the country's $18 billion export earnings and employs about 40% of the country's industrial workforce; around 3.5 million people, 85% of them women. Most are young, officially from 14 years upwards.”

“I get 4500tk (approximately $60 USD) per month, and monthly I have to pay 1500tk (approximately $18 USD) for accommodation in the city since I don’t have any relatives here,” Hasina Begum tells Dispatches International. Begum, who asked to use a pseudonym, is a garment worker in Chittagong, Bangladesh. She and some of her co-workers live in a hostel which has one kitchen and one common toilet for almost 38 girls and is located near the garment factory she works in.

“I share a room with one of my colleagues so that I can decrease my accommodation cost," she says. "Even though it’s hard to live here, I do not have any other choice.” Hasina’s parents and siblings live in a rural village, and they are dependent on the money she sends them every month.

Bilkis Khatun, another garment worker, who is employed in Dhaka, receives 3000tk (approximately $40) per month as she has just started her job. She stays with her brother and sister-in-law who also work in the same factory.

“My brother pays for the house and with mine and my sister-in-law’s money, we buy foods. They always tell me to save money for my dowry in future. But everything is so expensive here that it is very difficult to save money” explains Khatun.

Whether in Dhaka or Chittagong, the cost of living is very high, and the workers who are employed in the garment factories simply do not have enough money to spend on health care after they have paid for food and rent.

“Getting sick is the worst thing that can happen to us," admits Khatun. "Since we cannot save even very small amount of money, it is difficult to go to doctor when we get sick. And the worst thing is, if we miss one day, they don’t give us the full salary.”

Like Khatun, Begum also shares this experience. “I go to work even if when I am sick so that they do not cut down the payment,” she recalls.

This poor access to healthcare has a negative impact on productivity. Mustafa Kamal, a Professor in the Department of Business Administration at Northern University of Bangladesh, demonstrates in an article published in the Daily Star in August, 2010 that, “Because of low wages workers will suffer from malnutrition as they will not be able to afford enough calorie intake, which will affect their health. Poor health is likely to have a negative impact on the workers, who might become apathetic towards their work. As a result we will get distressed workers, which will have a negative effect on production.”

The low wages, mentined by Kamal and the workers interviewed, not only affects accomodation and health issues, but also the family and future generations of workers. Because they have a job, they are immediately expected to contribute to their families.

In a depressed tone, Begum says, "My parents and siblings wait for the money I send every month. Without that money, it becomes so difficult for them to get three meals a day. I don't know how I will help them after I get married."

Khatun is worried about her future family. "I really want to provide an education to my children. With this low wage, I don't know how I will manage everything." 

Morium, another garment worker in Chittagong expresses her frustration about low wages and education costs. Because both Morium and her husband work in garment factories and are paid poor salaries, it is becoming harder for them to continue to afford their children’s education.

“As both of us work, I hoped we could send our children to school and continue their education. But food and accommodation are very costly and we cannot send them to school anymore,” Morium says.

A manager from a leading garment factory in Bangladesh, who prefers to remain anonymous, explains the wage issue from his point of view. “Our cost of production is lower than any other Asian countries, so we get more contracts," he says. "When we increase the wages, it affects the cost of production too.”

He agrees that the employees work hard and states that he appreciates this work. “I do appreciate their effort for the factory. But as we deal with the international market and have to be so careful about the cost of production, it is very hard to increase the wage frequently.”

Fatema Parvez, a social worker and feminist from Chittagong makes the point that female garment workers are getting closer to the empowerment that they deserve. “These large numbers of women are uneducated and most of them are unskilled," she explains. "It would have been difficult for them to get any other jobs. [But because of factory employment] these women are economically independent and contributing to the development of the country and its economy.”

However, she worries about the problems these workers are facing. “Since women workers play an important role in RMG sector, the government and all the stakeholders need to think about [the women's welfare] for the betterment of the RMG sector and the economy and society as a whole.”

Nazmul Islam Khan, the general secretary of the Bangladesh Institute of Labor Studies mentions the current minimum wage and recalls the protests that have recently occured because of it.

“Workers have been involved in so many protests against low wages over the earlier years especially in 2010. As a result, the minimum wage was set 3000tk. But nowadays, the cost of living is getting so high that we need to reconsider the minimum wage.”

Khan explains that the industry may taking the willingness of the workers for granted. “Paying the amount that does not cover the cost of living may have the reverse effect," he says. "It may happen that the incentive of getting a better wage will interest the workers towards other jobs, and the RGM sector may face a shortage of labor which is more dangerous.” Even though increasing the wage may increase the cost of production, he suggests turning attention towards fixing this issue.

Kamal, in his Daily Star article, writes, “We have to find ways and means by which we can get rid of the low wage trap. To get out of this trap is a challenging task for the industry in particular and for the government at large. We cannot continue to pay the workers low wages on the excuse that the cost of business is high due to lack of infrastructure -- electricity, communication, transportation, law and order situation etc.” 

Thousands of women like Begum, Khatun, and Morium are contributing to the development of the economy of Bangladesh. Their standard of living is not improving as a result, however, which could have negative results on the entire economy.

Morium's wish is simple: she hopes that the government and the factory owners will do something for the workers so that she can send her children to school again. 

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Faysal Muhammad

See the full gallery on Posterous

Photo credit: Author and Simone (last name changed to protect photographer's identity).

India is the world’s largest functioning democracy, a status that is appreciated and hailed. Yet freedom of expression and the right to dissent, which are endorsed in all other democracies, are not always present in Kashmir.

With more than 600,000 Indian Troops stationed in the Kashmir Valley, this region of northern India feels like an eclipsed prison. Seldom does anyone in Kashmir recognize himself as a part of a “democracy.”

“Democracy is a form of government in which all people have an equal say in the decisions that affect their lives directly or indirectly,” Samurah, a Kashmiri blogger, has written. “Ideally, this includes equal participation in the proposal, development and passage of legislation into law. It can also encompass social, economic and cultural conditions that enable the free and equal practice of political self-determination.”

The right to dissent has very dangerous repercussions in a pace like Kashmir. Dissenters are often charged under the atrocious Public Safety Act. This legislation allows a person to be detained without trial for two years under the pretext of the maintenance of public order.

The Armed Forces Special Powers Act of 1990 also allows the military to detain and harass civilians; it has been denounced by the United Nations as a “dated and colonial-era law that breaches contemporary international human rights standards.

“Kashmir’s situation has made people paranoid. With [hundreds of thousands of] troopers guarding them, they feel like they are living in an invisible prison with someone always watching and following them,” says Khurram, a man I met in Kashmir.

It is not only the common people who bear the brunt of the conflict, but the media persons as well. Reporters and editors too often fall victim to atrocities committed by Indian security personnel. Indeed, the media in Kashmir has faced countless difficulties since the insurgency started in the 1990s. The oppression of the media in this region is indicated by India's position at 128 out of 178 countries in the annual press freedom index published by Reporters Without Borders.

Since the 1990s, dozens of journalists have lost their lives and several others injured. Their ability to report is curtailed in times of controversy and tension; during protests, for example, journalists are not allowed to work, or else they are beaten.

Media outlets were initially muzzled during civil unrest in 2010, when news of the Macchil Encounter spread like wildfire throughout the Kashmir Valley. This event outraged thousands of Kashmiris because several senior Indian military officials pretended innocent youths – who had been murdered by their troops – were actually foreign militants.

Despite the oppression of the media, news of the Macchil Encounter reached Srinagar, the capital of Kashmir, and prompted intense protests. The demonstrations turned gruesome when a tear gas shell, fired by Indian security forces, hit a young man in the head. The young man, who was not part of the protests, died instantly as his brains spilled onto the street.

This occurrence fanned the anger of the populace to an unprecedented level. Virtually the whole population of the Kashmir Valley went onto the street, but then even more security forces were dispatched. In total, 127 youth were killed.

Throughout this tumultuous period, curfews were imposed on the population and journalists were banned from conducting interviews. It was probably the most difficult period for media outlets in the Kashmir Valley.

“People were locked in their homes and barely allowed to move around. People had no source of getting news,” says Junaid Ahamd, a media student in Kashmir. “Local news channels were banned to avoid ‘provocation.' Newspapers were barred from publishing and if they published they were not allowed to circulate.”

People associated with news organizations were beaten. Local journalists and national reporters alike were harassed by the police and security forces. The curfew passes provided to members of the media were not respected by soldiers at any of the check points.

“During the mass uprising, the media was gagged by the state in order to stop the flow of information to the outside world,” says Izhar Ali, a journalist in Kashmir. “The curfew passes issued by the government to a handful of media persons were dishonoured by the Indian paramilitary forces and the police.”

“In such a scenario, the work of the journalists became more difficult.”

Reporting objectively is a difficult task for journalists in Kashmir. Often, journalists face harassment by the state and its armed forces when they report the truth. Many popular journalists are under constant surveillance by the state authorities.

“Phone tapping and e-mail filtering are some of the measures taken by the state to curtail the freedom of press in Kashmir,” says Ali. “On the one hand, the people expect the media to reveal the truth. And on the other hand, the government wants to conceal it.”

Ali believes the media outlets in Kashmir are caught in a catch-22. Even after dozens have lost their lives, the journalists continue to be at abused. Yet they still try to report objectively on current events in the region.

“The situation gets grimmer, especially when it comes to reporting human rights violations, which take place on a large scale in Kashmir,” Ali explains.

Authenticating facts and figures is another serious problem the journalists face while reporting conflict. Often members of the media are forced to rely on the estimates of biased government officials, or equally biased protesters.

“If the Army claims to have killed infiltrators at the Line of Control (LOC) dividing the two parts of Kashmir, it becomes impossible for media men to cross the border to check the facts,” explains a journalist in Kashmir, who spoke to me on condition of anonymity.

“We don’t get to have access to those areas,” he says. “In these cases, the media must report only one side of the coin … but this is against the ethics of journalism.”

When the protests became more violent in 2010, the restrictions became tighter and stricter. This further hindered the ability of the press to work properly.

During the past few months, photo journalists have been under scathing attacks by the Indian authorities in Kashmir. Security forces have beaten journalists while they were conducting their professional duties. On August 20, 2011, Showkat Shafi, who contributes to Al-Jazeera as a freelancer, and Mexican photojournalist Narciso Contreras were beaten and detained by the police. Furthermore, in a similar incident on November 25, 2011, four journalists were thrashed by police while covering protests in the capital city of Srinagar.

Eyewitness say that some of these journalists were truly “beaten to a pulp” by Indian security officials and police, when they were covering protests. Their professional cameras were also broken by the troopers as the reporters tried to save themselves from the sticks and batons. These attacks have prompted the Press Council of India to demand action against the culprits who decry the freedom of press. Predictably, action to be taken on this issue by the government is still being awaited.

The same is true in a more general sense throughout the region. It is clear that for the moment, despite India's status as the largest democracy in the world, there is no room for a free press in Kashmir.

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

By Zoe Thomas

It would be hard to find someone who will dispute that ramifications from the economic downturn have been felt far beyond boardrooms and shopping centers. Their effects on households have gone beyond squeezed budgets or even lost jobs. In Ireland, the impact of the crisis has additionally been felt through a rising number of people taking their own lives.

Young people were particularly affected by this rise in suicides. Between 2007 and 2009, when Ireland felt the most significant impact of the financial crisis, the number of suicides rose by 15%. The number of youths brought to the hospital due to deliberate self-harm rose by 23% for men and 13% for women. Prior to the economic downturn, the suicide rate had been falling, so these figures are seen as being related to the nation's recent financial troubles.

Susan Kenny from the National Institute for Suicide Prevention explains that training people to recognize the signs of distress while working with individuals who are experiencing financial difficulties was a top priority in Ireland. “We were the first in Europe to take such a proactive approach after the financial crisis,” she says.

The Irish construction industry and rural areas of the country were hit hard by the crisis. Kenny explains that in areas of deprivation, particularly rural areas, there was a higher rate of self-harm, but that the term 'isolation' does not just apply to rural inhabitants. It can also include many people in cities and towns with high populations.

Ella Arensman from the National Suicide Research Foundation said that she had never seen such a strong connection between a recession and suicide.

For Professor Martin McKee, who along with four colleagues published a study on the connection between the 2008 recession and the suicide rates, Ireland was a prime target for a rise in suicides.

“It’s not at all surprising in a country like Ireland that has a weak welfare state and is still struggling with universal health care coverage,” he says. “It’s got a very fragmented system. Much of the welfare is provided by volunteer organizations like the church, not the state. It’s not surprising when we get the data in that we see an increase in suicides.”

Ireland has long had one of Europe's highest suicides rates. It was not until 1993 that suicide was decriminalized throughout the country. It took another twelve years to develop a national strategy to combat the issue and the factors surrounding it.

“What 2008 showed us was that the [suicide prevention] strategy didn’t foresee the effect the downturn in the economy would have,” said Declan Behan, from the Irish Association of Suicidology.

The strategy Behan refers to was published by the government in 2005 to tackle issues of suicide and self-harm. It has 26 areas of focus, but it did not anticipate the impact of the recession or Ireland's debt crisis.

“Government could always do more,” said Behan. “But they are doing what they can, given the financial situation.”

Lise Alford from 3T’s (Turning The Tide), a suicide research and prevention charity, believes there could be more funding options made available including the ability to use private and corporate sponsors. “In the same way that the road safety authority gets support from drink companies and all of that, if you had a suicide prevention authority you could [facilitate] buy-in from corporate groups,” she explained.

The financial crisis has not been the only factor that suicide prevention workers are currently up against in their attempts to halt the increasing statistics. Alcohol and drug use both play major roles in the suicide rates. Many in the field feel that tackling the issue of drinking and alcohol abuse will help to lower suicide rates.

“The culture in Ireland with regard to drinking isn’t like mainland Europe. We do have a binge drinking culture,” said Behan. He stated that having a minimum price for alcohol would help to reduce the alcohol abuse among younger people who took advantage of being able to purchase large quantities of cheap liquor and beer.

Arnesman said that the number of people taking their own lives who also had problems with alcohol addiction has risen. In 2010, the National Suicide Research Foundation found that in all cases of hospitalization due to deliberate self-harm, 40% included alcohol as a factor. The foundation also reported that nearly three quarters of people attempting suicide did so through a drug overdose.

A study conducted by the organization 3T’s showed that these problems are compounded by individuals being ignored by their friends when they drunkenly disclose suicidal thoughts. The study found that a significant amount of men were revealing suicidal thoughts to friends while under the influence of alcohol, but that these revelations known as ‘regressive disclosure’ were rarely discussed when the parties were sober.

“The usual story: someone has a bit to drink and they might disclose something that in the morning they wake up and think, 'Why did I say that?', and it could be about anything. But often, people who are feeling very depressed or suicidal will reveal this information to their pals. The perception of the pals is, ‘Oh, it’s only the drink talking',” says Alford from 3T's.

She said that confessions of suicidal thoughts are written off as simply reckless behavior caused by alcohol since friends disregard the confessions. Alford urged that this problem could be tackled if friends of the troubled youth listened to each other and encouraged one another to help. She emphasized that young men should keep an eye out for their acquaintances, as it is among this demographic that the problem is especially prevalent.

What denotes a suicide is not clearly defined, however. Every death which looks like a suicide must have a coroner’s inquest. Many suicides are mislabeled as an 'accident' or 'undetermined' because information is not available on the victim’s state of mind when they died. Along with the number of suicides, the number of undetermined deaths rose between the years of 2007 and 2009.

“There’s a feeling that in small communities in Ireland, deaths are classified as undetermined to protect the families,” explains Behan.

The fairly recent criminal past of suicide has caused it to remain with a large stigma. Although there are no longer any consequences by law, Arensman from the National Suicide Research Foundation said that in some rural areas there is still a fear of ramification on the family.

“Even though nowadays there are no formal consequences for work or insurance if somebody dies by suicide in the family, families that still live very remotely still fear that this could have implications for jobs, for insurance, even though it’s not the case anymore,” she states.

Arensman says that awareness campaigns were changing this perception, but that the impact would not happen overnight, particularly with older generations.

“The good news is I think this is changing, but these changes go very, very slowly,” admits Arensman about the stigma surrounding suicide and mental health.

The National Suicide Prevention Foundation has focused a lot of effort on teaching people to talk about issues surrounding mental health, in order to build coping skills and break stigmas. Kenny described it as an ongoing process.

“It’s all about creating awareness.’It’s okay to ask for help'; 'If someone tells you something listen'. It’s about continuing these messages,” she says.

Among the younger generation, however, Alford described a dangerous reversal in suicide perception. She explains that suicide is sometimes used as a “coping mechanism,” particularly for young people who have lost friends or classmates to suicide.

The outpouring of grief and friendship displayed on social network sites, have helped to normalize the perception of suicide, which can be risky, according to Alford. She explains that this can lead some teenagers to think that taking their own life is a suitable way to deal with their problems.

“It has entered their lexicon of coping mechanisms and that’s clearly a very serious issue,” Alford says.

The government is hoping that in teaching younger people about mental health and making it more acceptable across generations, the stigma will be broken. “See change,” a campaign based on a similar version in Scotland, tries to destigmatize metal health across the country. It asks individuals to share their personal experiences with mental health and stigma. More focused campaigns have also been run, including ‘Let someone know,’ specifically targeted for teenagers and encouraging them to talk about their problems with friends and trusted adults.

The economic downturn and issues of drug and alcohol abuse have all been sighted as major factors connected with suicide in Ireland. After speaking with several experts in the field, however, it seems the most important factor is finding safe ways to cope.

“Many people who die from suicide have no mental health issues,” says Susan Kenny from the National Institute for Suicide Prevention. She added, “Everyone needs to take responsibility. It’s a social problem, that's why communities need to be involved.”

Studies like McKee’s stress the role that finance plays, not just in suicide but in a nation's overall well-being. He said gathering information for the study was difficult, given the low priority that the EU placed on its completion.

“This is a key issue. If you look, the Eurozone has just published unemployment data and retail sales data for November,” McKee said at the beginning of 2012. “Yet, we’re still trying to get 2010 mortality data for most countries. There’s just a low priority placed on mortality data.”

McKee also said he doubted whether governments would really take into consideration the study's findings.

Arensman said that she expected there would be a decrease in suicides as the financial situation improved, but dealing with the losses experienced during the crisis could have an unforeseen impact.

“Suicide rates in Ireland are the highest among men and to some extent we are dealing with young fathers. There are a growing number of young families where the father has taken his life. That means that a certain number of young children grow up without a father and knowing that their father has taken his own life.”

She explains that international research has shown suicidal behavior can have long-term effects on family members.

“I’m foremost an optimist,” she says, “but I have to look at all the details, and when I look at this I’m not sure how it is going to impact the children in these families with missing fathers; how they're going to grow up and how this is going to affect them.”

Need Help? Suicide Helplines in Ireland:

Samaritans: 1-850-60-90-90

Childline (for youths under 18): 1-800-66-66-66 

Permalink | Leave a comment  »

See the full gallery on Posterous

By Philip Simpson

The United Kingdom's coalition government claims that their overall aim is to meet people’s housing aspirations through a heavy-handed approach for reforming the current system. Significant changes to planning, welfare, investment and social tenure recently implemented by the government outline dramatic transformations that the UK housing market is undergoing.

Home building in the UK is at its lowest level in almost a century. Meanwhile, over 2 million British families await social housing and cuts to housing benefits as well as the in-home care industry leave less options available. Homelessness is dramatically increasing alongside population growth.

Property ownership has never been so hard to secure; access into the property market for young people is virtually impossible and the average age of a first-time buyer is expected to rise to 43 years old. Increased demand in the private rental sector means rental rates are high and on the rise.

Despite these statistics, almost 500,000 houses lay derelict and dormant in the UK. For the first time, data from a collaboration of 284 municipal councils highlights the scale of the widespread problem of derelict housing, yet the figures for abandoned buildings in general would be much higher were comprable data collected. 

Many derelict industrial properties, especially in Northern England, such as mills, warehouses and factories are commonly converted into apartment blocks and corporate or commercial space, yet the abundance of undeveloped property is obvious. Refurbishment of abandoned housing alone would give a home to almost a quarter of those in need. A remodel of buildings beyond those deemed as ‘housing’ could statistically solve the crisis almost in its entirety. 

Permalink | Leave a comment  »